m 




/O -^^ if"^ 

Book u > ^ ^ 

Copyright ]»1^ . 



COPYIilGHT DEPOSIT. 



To this Essay was awarded the 

Justin Winsor Prize in 

American History 

for igo8 



GREAT BRITAIN 



AND 



THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY 

1763-1774 



BY 

CLARENCE EDWIN CARTER. A. M.. Ph.D., 

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN ILLINOIS COLLEGE, SOMETIME FELLOW IN 
HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 

WASHINGTON, I9IO 






Copyright, igio 

Iy The American Historical Association 

Washington, D. C. 



©CIA273393 



TO 
MY FATHER AND MOTHER 



PREFACE. 

In the present study my researches have been directed 
toward the discovery of the legal, political, and economic 
relations between Great Britain and the Illinois colony, and 
the political events in Illinois which illustrate some of those 
general relations. In addition to the Illinois settlement, 
the great West which was ceded to England in 1763 in- 
cluded other colonies of comparatively equal importance, 
the chief of which was Detroit. Whatever general prin- 
ciples, therefore, are ascertained with reference to the 
relations between the home government and the Illinois 
French apply equally to the whole West. In the discussion 
of the illustrative events, however, I have followed their 
course in Illinois alone. 

In chapters I and III, both of which are in a sense 
introductory, no serious attempt has been made at original 
investigation. On certain points, however, I have sought 
to verify secondary authorities and harmonize conflicting 
statements by an examination of the sources. Chapter II 
deals with the legal position of the western settlements in 
the empire. Chapters IV and VII contain a narrative of 
events in Illinois from 1765 to 1774, gleaned entirely from 
hitherto unused manuscript material. The question of the 
economic importance of the West to the empire is dis- 
cussed in chapter V. The various attempts to colonize the 
Illinois country by English settlers and the attitude of 
Great Britain toward such enterprises in general occupy 
chapter VI. This subject has been handled by previous 
writers, but considerable new material has been found which 
throws light on the colonizing movement, enabling one to 
disentangle the various plans. 

(vii) 



VIU 



PREFACE 



The printed sources of value covering the period are 
few. Such collections, however, as the Documents relat- 
ing to the Colonial History of the State of New York, the 
various editions of the works of Benjamin Frankhn, and the 
Reports on Canadian Archives have been invaluable. 
The essay as a whole has been based, however, upon manu- 
script sources found in the various archives of the United 
States, Canada, and Europe. A personal search was made 
not only in the local archives of the State of Illinois, but in 
the libraries of the middle western and eastern States, as 
well as in the Public Record Office and the British Museum 
in London. In the last named places the bulk of the 
material was found. 

I desire to express my gratitude for aid and encourage- 
ment to Professor Evarts B. Greene, in whose seminar in 
history at the University of Illinois this essay was begun, 
and especially to Professor Clarence W. Alvord of the 
University of Illinois, whose intimate knowledge of the 
field has been of material assistance throughout my study. 
I also wish to express my thanks for helpful criticisms of 
the manuscript to Professor Guy Stanton Ford of the 
University of Illinois, to President C. H. Rammelkamp 
and to Professor J. Griffith Ames of Illinois College, and 
to Professor Charles H. Hull of Cornell University, chair- 
man of the Justin Winsor Prize committee. I owe an 
especial debt of gratitude to my wife and faithful amanuen- 
sis , without whose encouragement the essay would not have 
been completed in its present form. 

Clarence E. Carter. 

Jacksonville, Illinois, August 20, igog. 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Preface ........ vii 

CHAPTER I. 
Introductory Survey ...... i 

CHAPTER II. 
Status of the Illinois Country in the Empire . • 13 

CHAPTER III. 

Occupation of the Illinois Country . . . 27 

CHAPTER IV. 
Five Years of Disorder, 1765-17 70 . . . .46 

CHAPTER V. 
Trade Conditions in the Illinois Country, 1765-1775 77 

CHAPTER VI. 
Schemes for the Colonization of the Illinois Country, 
1763-1768 103 

CHAPTER VII. 
The Struggle for a Civil Government, 1770-1774 . 145 

Documentary Appendix . . . . .165 

Bibliography . . . . . . ,185 

Index • . • 201 

(ix) 



CHAPTER I. 

Introductory Survey. 

As a result of the treaty of Paris (1763) which added 
to the empire immense areas of territory peopled with 
savages and alien inhabitants , Great Britain was confronted 
with the momentous problem of readjusting all her colonial 
relations. At this time the necessity of strengthening the 
imperial ties between the old colonies and the mother 
country and of reorganizing the new acquisitions came to 
the forefront and led the government into a course soon to 
end in the disruption of the empire. Certainly not the 
least of the questions demanding solution was the disposi- 
tion of the country lying to the westward of the colonies, 
including a number of French settlements and a broad 
belt of Indian nations. 

The conclusion of the Seven Years' war saw a tremen- 
dous change in the relative position of France and Eng- 
land in North America : the former had lost and the latter 
gained an empire. The final struggle for supremacy was 
the culmination of a series of continental and colonial wars 
beginning near the close of the seventeenth century and 
ending with the definitive treaty of 1763. During the 
first quarter of the century France occupied a predominant 
position among the powers. Through the aggressiveness 
of Louis XIV and his ministers her boundaries had been 
pushed eastward and northward, thereby seriously threaten- 
ing the balance of power in Europe. Until 1748 England 



2 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and Austria had been in alliance against their traditional 
enemy, and in the war of the Austrian Succession France 
had lent her aid to Prussia in the dismemberment of the 
Austrian dominions — at the same time extending her own 
power in the interior of America and India. These inter- 
national struggles, however, brought no definite results : 
territorial boundaries had not been adjusted nor had the 
balance of power been satisfactorily settled. The growth 
of the power of Prussia under the leadership of Frederick 
the Great now became a most important factor. The 
aggressions of France soon ran counter to the course of the 
new national state and another conflict was inevitable. In 
the interval of nominal peace after the treaty of Aix-la- 
Chapelle in 1748, preparations were begun for another 
contest. The astute diplomacy of Kaunitz won France 
from her traditional enmity and secured that power as an 
open ally for Maria Theresa in her war of revenge.^ 

While the European situation was giving occasion for 
new alignments of the powers, affairs in America were be- 
coming more and more critical between France and Eng- 
land. Here for over a century the two powers had been 
rivals for territorial and commercial supremacy. In North 
America the pioneers of France had won for her the greater 
part of the continent, the extensive valleys of the St. 
Lawrence and the Mississippi with all the land watered by 
their tributaries. The French claim to this region was 
based almost entirely upon discovery and exploration, for 
in all its extent less than one hundred thousand people 
were permanently settled. Canada at the north and the 
region about New Orleans on the extreme south contained 
the bulk of the population , while throughout the old North- 
west settlements were few and scattering. Trading posts 

^ Perkins, France under Louis XV, II, 1-83. 



INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 3 

and small villages existed at Vincennes on the Wabash 
River, at Detroit, at St. Joseph near Lake Michigan, and 
at other isolated places. Outside of Detroit the most im- 
portant and populous settlement was situated along the 
eastern bank of the Mississippi, in the southwestern part of 
the present State of Illinois, where about two thousand 
people were living."^ 

In contrast to this vast area of French territory and the 
sparseness of its population were the British colonies, with 
more than a million people confined to the narrow strip 
between the Alleghany mountains and the Atlantic Ocean. 
These provinces were becoming comparatively crowded, 
and many enterprising families of English, Scotch-Irish, 
and German extraction were pushing towards the moun- 
tains. Each year saw the pressure on the western border 
increased. The great unoccupied valley of the Ohio in- 
vited home-seekers and adventurers westward in spite of 
hostile French and Indians. By 1750 the mountain bar- 
riers were being crossed by constantly increasing numbers, 
and the French found their possession of the West and 
their monopoly of the fur trade threatened. 

To prevent such encroachments the French sought to 
bind their possessions together by means of a line of forts 
extending from the St. Lawrence down the Ohio Valley to 
the Gulf of Mexico. It had indeed been the plan of such 
men as La Salle, Iberville , and Bienville to bring this terri- 
tory into a compact whole and to limit the English col- 
onies to the line of mountains. New Orleans and Mobile 
gave France command of the Gulf of Mexico and the 
Mississippi River; Louisburg, Niagara, and Frontenac 

' Hutchins, A Topographical Description, ed. Hicks, i66ff; Pitt- 
man, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mis- 
sissippi, ed. Hodder, 84ff. 



4 THE ILLWOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

afforded protection to Canada against the English colonies. 
The weak point for France was the Ohio Valley, in the 
upper part of which Virginia and Pennsylvania settlers had 
already located by the middle of the eighteenth century. 
Cderon, who went down the Ohio in 1749, burying plates 
of lead to signify French dominion, warning English set- 
tlers and traders, and persuading the Indians to drive out 
the invaders of their hunting grounds, saw the inevitable- 
ness of the conflict. The American phase of the final 
struggle for colonial empire was to begin in this region."' 

In the early years of the French and Indian war, the 
American counterpart of the Seven Years' war, Great 
Britain and her Prussian ally met with serious reverses 
everywhere, and it seemed probable that France would be 
able to hold her line of defence in America. The French 
colonies, however, were fundamentally weak. They were 
wholly dependent upon the mother country, and when the 
latter became absorbed in the continental struggle to the 
exclusion of her interests in the colonies defeat was in- 
evitable. By 1758 the tide was turning in America; this, 
together with the victories of Clive in India and Frederick 
the Great at Rossbach and Leuthen, proved too much for 
the resources of France, and with the transference of the 
American struggle to Canada, and the capture of Montreal 
and Quebec, the war was practically at an end. In 1762 
the financial condition of France became so desperate that 
Choiseul, the French minister of foreign affairs, was anxious 
for peace, and he found George III and Lord Bute, Eng- 
land's prime minister, ready to abandon their Prussian ally, 
and even to give up the fruits of some of the brilliant vic- 
tories of 1762 which had brought Spain, a recent ally of 
France, to her knees.* 

^ Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe ^ I, 39-67. 
* Hunt, Pol. Hist, of Eng.^ X, 23-40. 



INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 5 

The definitive treaty of Paris was signed February 10, 
1763.^ By its terms France ceded to Great Britain all of 
Canada and gave up her claim to the territory east of the 
Mississippi River, except the city of New Orleans, adding 
to this the right of the free navigation of the Mississippi. 
Spain received back Havana, ceding Florida to England in 
return. A few weeks before signing the definitive treaty, 
France, in a secret treaty with Spain, ceded to her the city 
of New Orleans arid the vast region stretching from the 
Mississippi towards the Pacific. Thus was France divested 
of every inch of territory on the continent of North America. 
The French colony in the Illinois country had been 
originally established to form a connecting link between 
the colonies in Louisiana on the south and Canada on the 
northwest. La Salle himself had recognized the possible 
strategic value of such an establishment from both a com- 
mercial and a military standpoint.^ Even before any 
settlements had been made on the lower Mississippi, in 
1682 he and his associates had attempted the formation of 
a colony on the Illinois River, near the present site of 
Peoria.^ This, the first attempt at western colonization, 
was a failure. The opening of the following century saw 
the beginning of a more successful and permanent colony, 
when the Catholic missionaries from Quebec established 
their missions at Cahokia^ and Kaskaskia, near the village 
of the Illinois Indians. They were soon followed by 
hunters and fur traders, and during the first two decades of 
the eighteenth century a considerable number of families 

*Text of treaty in Chalmers, ColL of Treaties, 1,467-483; Docu- 
ments relating to the Constitutional History of Caiiada, ly^g-iygi, ed. 
Shortt and Doughty (Can. Archives, 1907), 73-84. 

*Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 312. 

'Cahokia was founded in 1699 by the priests of the Seminary of 
Foreign Missions, 



6 I HE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

immigrated from Canada, thus assuring the permanency of 
the settlement. 

Meanwhile the contemporaneous colony of Louisiana had 
grown to some importance , and in 1 7 1 7 , when the Com- 
pany of the West assumed control of the province , the Illi- 
nois country was annexed to Louisiana.^ Prior to this 
time it had been within the jurisdiction of Quebec. The 
Illinois country now entered upon a period of prosperity, 
many new enterprises being undertaken, notably the open- 
ing of lead mines. Shortly after its annexation to Louisi- 
ana, Pierre Boisbriant was given a commission to govern 
the Illinois country, and among his instructions was an 
order to erect a fort as a protection against possible en- 
croachments from the English and Spanish. About 1720 
Fort de Chartres was completed and became thereafter the 
seat of governm.ent during the French regime. In 1721 
the Company of the Indies ^ divided Louisiana into nine dis- 
tricts, one of which was known as the Illinois district ,'° ex- 
tending east and west of the Mississippi River between the 
lines of the Arkansas and Illinois rivers." In 1731 Louisi- 
ana passed out of the hands of the Company of the 
Indies, and, together with its Illinois dependency, became 

* Archives of the Ministry of the Colonies (Paris), series A, vol. 22, 
fol. 40. 

^ In May, 1719, the Company of the East Indies and the Company 
of China were assimilated to the Company of the West, the name of 
which was changed to Company of the Indies. Margry, Decouvertes, 
V, 590. 

^•^ Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Api.^^Y, 43. 

^^ *' Regulations for the government of the district ", Archives of the 
Ministry of the Colonies, series B, vol. 43, fol. 103; Winsor, Narr. 
and Crit. Hist, of A/n., V, 43. The boundary between Canada and 
Louisiana during the French regime was approximately the 40th par- 
allel. This left the French settlement at Ouiatanon to the Quebec 
government while Post Vincennes on the lower Wabash River was in 
Louisiana. Pownall, Administration of the Colonies, 192. 



INT ROD UCTOR Y SURVEY 7 

a royal province. ^^ It remained in this status until the 
close of the Seven Years' war, when that portion east of 
the Mississippi was ceded to England as a part of Canada. ^^ 

At the close of the French regime a number of villages 
scattered along the Mississippi River from near the mouth 
of the Kaskaskia northward seventy-five miles to Cahokia 
contained the population of the country. Kaskaskia at 
the extreme south was the largest town of the group, with 
eighty houses, five hundred whites, and about an equal 
number of negroes. Some seventeen miles north was 
Prairie du Rocher with a population of one hundred 
French and as many slaves. A short distance northwest 
of Prairie du Rocher, on the bank of the Mississippi, stood 
Fort de Chartres, surrounded by a little village called 
Nouvelle Chartres, where some forty families were settled. 
St. Philippe, five miles north of Fort de Chartres, con- 
tained twelve or fifteen families, and forty-five miles further 
north stood Cahokia with three hundred whites and eighty 
negroes.^* 

Most of the French people of Illinois came originally 
from Canada ^^ although a few immigrated from France ^^ and 
others were sent there from Louisiana by the Company of 

^^ Winsor, Narr, and Crit. Hist, of Am. , V, 49. 

'^Treaty of Paris, section VII, Can. Const. Docs., i^^g-iygi, 86. 

^* Pittman, State of the European Settlements on the Miss.,^^. 
Hodder, 84-93. There is no detailed and satisfactory account of the 
French regime in print, with reference either to its political, social, or 
economic aspects. The works of Breese, Wallace, Brown, Mason, and 
others are entirely unscientific and unrehable. The recent discovery 
of a large number of papers bearing on the period will enable future 
scholars to reach more accurate conclusions. For a recent brief but 
judicious survey of the French, based largely on a study of document- 
ary material, see Alvord, Illinois Historical Collections^ II, xviii-xxv. 

'^Du Pratz, Histoire de la louisiane, II, 296. 

^^ Ibid., I, 230-231. 



8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763''1774 

the Indies.'^ There existed among them two classes, the 
'* gentry " and the habitant^ the latter being greatly in the 
majority. The habitants had belonged to the lower classes 
in Canada and possessed few of the social and intellectual 
attainments which marked their superiors. Occupied 
chiefly in the collection of furs or in the humbler duties of 
commerce, they came into close contact with the Indians, 
in whose company much of their time was spent. They 
not only associated with the Indians but many even married 
Indian girls. '^ Outside of the gains made in the peltry 
trade or their wages as boatmen their lives were not pro- 
ductive, and their scanty earnings were spent immediately 
upon returning to the villages. They cared nothing for 
agriculture and other settled pursuits, exhibiting in all their 
activities a total lack of initiative and of capacity to adapt 
themselves to settled life."* But the faults of the habitants^ 
conspicuous though they were, differed much from those of 
the American frontiersmen. The frontiersmen had no 
respect for law and authority, while the habitants in gen- 
eral preferred to be guided by law in all their dealings.^" 
Petty quarrels were frequent, but instead of ending them 
in a fight, recourse was invariably had to the courts. In 
their business transactions the assistance of judge or notary 
was always sought.^" 

On the other hand the ** gentry ", comprising the larger 
merchants and farmers, came from the better classes in 
Canada and France. They surrounded themselves with all 
the luxuries that could be brought from Canada or Europe. 
Some were able to claim nobility of birth,'' and many were 

^■^ Bossu, Travels^ 126. 

^^ Ibid.; Du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, II, 297. 

^^Volney, View of the Uniled States, 338ff. 

20 Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xviii. 

" Ibia.y xix; see also Du Pratz, Histoire ae la Louisiane^ II, 297. 



INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 9 

wealthy and influential. Some of the latter possessed 
capital before immigrating to Illinois, and others rose to 
prominence by industry and shrewdness. Among the more 
"prominent were Jean Baptiste Barbau of Prairie du Rocher, 
the Bauvais, Charleville, Viviat, Lachance, and Cerr^ fam- 
ilies of Kaskaskia, and the Sauciers, Frangois Trottier, and 
J. B. H. La Croix of Cahokia.'^^ 

The government of the French was neither military nor 
paternal. Although the military commandant represented 
the king of France, he did not have all power, nor were 
the people subjected entirely to the will of the priest. ^^ 
After 1 7 1 7 the Illinois district was subordinate to the gov- 
ernment of Louisiana. The civil government of the dis- 
trict was composed of a commandant, a commissary, a 
judge, a principal scrivener of the marine, a king's attorney, 
a keeper of the royal warehouse, a clerk of the court, 
deputy clerks, syndics, and notaries.''^* As a rule a number 
of offices were united : the positions of commissary, judge, 
and scrivener were held by the same person ; and the duties 
of attorney and keeper of the royal warehouse were like- 
wise combined. In addition to the officers already men- 
tioned, each village had its captain of militia ,^^ an important 
local executive officer appointed by the colonial authorities. 
His specific duties were to prepare the muster-roll of the 
parish and to enforce the decrees of the intendant of the 
council. ^^ The syndic and the parish priest also had very 

^^Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xix-xx. 

^^ Both views have hitherto been common to historians of the period. 
Pittman is largely responsible for the view that the people were subject 
to the caprice of the military commandant. Other writers have stated 
that the French were living in a kind of Arcadian simplicity, with no 
lawyers or litigation. An examination of the documentary material of 
the time indicates that both views are erroneous. 

^*Alvord, ///. in the Eighteenth Cent., 8 

^^Breese, Early Hist, of III., 216. 

'^Munro, The Seigniorial System in Canada, 43, 73. 



lo THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

important local duties, especially with reference to the 
execution of the edicts of the village assemblies and the 
laws of the commons. ^^ The French had in fact brought 
with them the organization of the village community and 
the system of land tenure which they had known in France. 
Each village had its common field divided into long narrow 
strips which the inhabitants cultivated, and the common, or 
pasture land, belonging to the whole community. The vil- 
lage assembly, meeting generally in the church-yard after 
mass, fixed the day for planting and harvesting, and all 
other matters relating to the common interest. If the 
business to be transacted related to the church, the presid- 
ing officer was the priest ; otherwise the syndic presided at 
the meeting and saw to the execution of the decisions of 
the assembly."^ The military commandant of the Illinois 
country was responsible to the governor of Louisiana, while 
civil officials were under the direction of the intendant. 

All the land holdings of the French did not originate in 
the same way. The land acquired from the Indians was 
considered as belonging to the king's domain, which was 
disposed of in two ways.^^ At Kaskaskia and Nouvelle 
Chartres the king retained control of the land and granted 
it directly to the habitants '^'^ in censive holdings, but at 
Cahokia, St. Philippe, and Prairie du Rocher, large tracts 
were granted to individuals as seigniories, the title being 
similar to that of the benefice. The owners of these 
seigniories granted out smaller tracts to the habitants as 

^'Babeau, Le village sous Pancien regime, passivi, and Babeau, Les 
assemblies ginirales des communautes d' habitants, passim. 

^^ Babeau, Z<? village sous Pancien rigime, ch. III. 

2^ Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls. ^ II, xxii, n. 2; Franz, Die Kolonization 
des Mississippitales, 20i; Breese, Early Hist, of III., app. E; Viollet, 
Histoire du droit franfais, 746ff. 

^^ Habitants is here used in the broader sense of inhabitants. 



INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 1 1 

manorial holdings which paid to the seignior an annual rent 
of a sou an acre. Cahokia and its lands belonged to the 
Seminary of Foreign Missions at Quebec, St. Philippe to 
the Regnaults, and Prairie du Rocher to Boisbriant, and 
later to Langlois. 

The church is an institution which cannot be overlooked 
in any survey of the Illinois French. The people were so 
devoted to their religion that the church buildings were 
generally the most imposing edifices in the village. The 
parish priests at all times exercised the greatest influence 
over the lives of the people. No matter how debauched 
and lawless the voyageur became, the priest invariably 
recalled him to a sense of his dependence upon the church. 

There were a number of parishes in the district : the 
parish of the Immaculate Conception at Kaskaskia, that of 
St. Anne at Nouvelle Chartres with its dependent chapels 
of St. Joseph at Prairie du Rocher and the Visitation at St. 
Philippe, and the parish of the Holy Family at Cahokia. 
The Jesuits governed the parish at Kaskaskia, where they 
owned a large plantation, a brewery, and some eighty 
slaves,-^' and the Recollect and the Sulpitian fathers min- 
istered to the other villages. These parishes, together 
with those of the rest of Louisiana, were in the diocese of 
the bishop of Quebec.^'' 

The relation of the Illinois country to Louisiana was 
economic as well as political. All of the trade of the upper 
Mississippi valley was carried on through New Orleans, and 
the southern colony often owed its existence to the large 
supplies of flour and pork sent down the river. ^^ Although 

•^^ Pittman, State of the European Settlements on the Miss., ed. 
Hodder, 85. 

^* Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll^ passim. 

^' Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am.,, V, 53: Pittman, European 
Settletnents on the Miss., ed. Hodder, 95. 



12 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

the inhabitants occupied themselves chiefly with hunting 
and with trading with the Indians, they yet raised a con- 
siderable amount of corn, wheat, and various kinds of fruit, 
which, together with cattle and hogs they frequently shipped 
to the New Orleans market. "''* 

^^Pittman, 0/. «■/., 93-95. 



CHAPTER II. 

Status of the Illinois Country in the Empire. 

Before entering upon the more detailed study of events 
in the Illinois country during the British regime, it seems 
necessary to examine certain general aspects of the subject 
in order to understand more clearly the significance of the 
period. The relation of that country to the empire, and 
the views held by contemporary British statesmen concern- 
ing its status are problems which naturally arise and de- 
mand solution. What was the nature of the government 
imposed upon the French in the Illinois country after the 
final occupation of the West? Is the prevailing opinion 
that the British government placed the inhabitants of those 
villages under a military government any longer tenable? 
Was the government de jure or de facto'> 

The treatment received by the settlements in the North- 
west and West in general was fundamentally different in 
nature from that accorded other portions of the new em- 
pire. The treaty of Paris was signed in February, 1763, 
and the British ministry spent considerable time during the 
months immediately following in the formulation of a policy 
to be pursued towards the vast territories acquired in North 
America. In the summer of 1763 it became apparent that 
this policy must be determined upon immediately in order 
to pacify the minds of the savage inhabitants of the West 
who were rising in rebellion against the English. In 

13 



14 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

October, therefore, a royal proclamation^ was issued, by 
the terms of which civil governments were created for the 
provinces of Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and 
Grenada, and all the western territory outside the pre- 
scribed limits of these colonies, including a large portion of 
southern Canada of today, was reserved as a vast hunting 
ground for the Indian nations. No mention of the settled 
portions of the West, however, is made in the proclama- 
tion. It is therefore necessary to examine the official 
correspondence which immediately preceded the issuance 
of the proclamation, to find, if possible, what the directors 
of the British colonial policy had in mind. 
'^ When the proclamation was under discussion by the 
ministry in the summer of 1763, two opposing views with 
reference to the West were for a time apparent. It appears 
to have been the policy of Lord Egremont, at that time 
secretary of state for the southern department, which in- 
cluded the management of the colonies, to place the 
unorganized territory within the jurisdiction of some one of 
the colonies possessing a settled government, preferably 
Canada.^ It was at least his aim to give to the Indian 
country sufficient civil supervision so that criminals and 
fugitives from justice from the colonies might be retaken. 
That he did not intend to extend civil government to the 
villages of Illinois or to any of the French inhabitants of 
the West seems clear, for his only reference is to the *' In- 
dian country" and to " criminals " and ''fugitives from 
justice ". 

^ The text of the proclamation may be conveniently found in the 
Annual Reoister, IV, 208, and in Can. Const. Docs., jy^g-jygi, 119- 
123. For a discussion of the history of the proclamation and the 
origin of the various clauses, see Alvord, "Genesis of the Proclama- 
tion of 1763 ", in Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls. ^ XXXVI. 

^ Egremont to the Lords of Trade, July 14, 1763, Can. Const. Docs., 



STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 15 

Lord Shelburne, president of the Board of Trade and a 
member of the Grenville ministry, and his colleagues were 
of the opinion that the annexation of the West to Canada 
might lend color to the idea that England's title to the West 
came from the French cession, when in fact her claim was 
derived from other sources ; that the inhabitants of the 
province to which it might be annexed would have too 
great an advantage in the Indian trade ; and finally that 
such an immense province could not be properly governed 
without a large number of troops and the governor would 
thus virtually become a commander-in-chief.^ Shelburne 
then announced his plan of giving to the commanding gen- 
eral of the British army in America jurisdiction over the 
West for the purpose of protecting the Indians and the fur 
trade. * Lord Halifax, who succeeded Egremont at the 
latter's death in August, 1763, acceded to Shelburne's 
views. The proposed commission to the commanding gen- 
eral, however, does not appear to have been issued; for 
Hillsborough, who succeeded Shelburne as president of the 
Board of Trade in the autumn of 1763, favored a different 
policy. But there is nothing to indicate that Shelburne 
and his advisers had any thought of a government for the 
French colonies. No hint appears in the correspondence 
that the ministry had any idea of the existence of the sev- 
eral thousand French inhabitants of the West.^ 

* Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, August 5, 
1763, Can. Const. Docs., ly^g-jyqi^ iio-iii. 

*" We would humbly propose, that a Commission under the Great 
Seal, for the Government of this Country, should be given to the Com- 
mander in Chief of Your Majesty's Troops for the time being adapted 
to the Protection of the Indians and the fur Trade of Your Majesty's 
subjects." Ibid., iii. 

^ They could not have been ignorant of the existence of such colonies 
in the ceded territory, for Sir William Johnson, who was familiar with 
western conditions, was in constant correspondence with the ministry, 
and such works as the Histoire de la Louisiane by Du Pratz, published 
in 1 758, were doubtless familiar to English statesmen. 



1 6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

There remain one or two documents in which we might 
expect to find some reference to the government of the 
French settlers. The authors of that part of the proclama- 
tion of 1763 which provided for the reservation of the In- 
dian lands and the regulation of the trade, ^ had in con- 
templation an elaborate plan comprehending the manage- 
ment of both in the whole of British North America. '' It 
was left to Hillsborough, Shelburne's successor as president 
of the Board of Trade, to direct the formulation of the 
plan, which was finished in 1764. As the details of this 
program will be taken up in a later chapter, ^ it will suffice 
here simply to note the presence or absence of any provi- 
sion for the French. The chief object of the plan was to 
bring about centralization in the regulation of the trade and 
the management of the Indians. In one article provision 
also was made for a certain kind of civil supervision. For 
the maintenance of peace and order within the reserved 
territory, the general superintendents and the commis- 
saries at each post were empowered to act as justices of 
the peace, with all the powers belonging to such officers 
in the English colonies. They were to have "full power 
of Committing Offenders in Capital Cases, in order that 
such Offenders may be prosecuted for the same ; And that, 
for deciding all civil actions, the Commissaries be empow- 
ered to try and determine in a Summary way all such 
Actions, as well between the Indians and Traders, as be- 
tween one Trader and another, to the Amount of Ten Pounds 
Sterling, with the Liberty of Appeal to the Chief Agent or 
Superintendent, or his Deputy, who shall be empowered 

® See below, ch. V. 

^Dartmouth to Cramah6, December i, I773> Can. Const. Docs., 
1759-1791 > 339- 
* See below, ch. V. 



STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 17 

upon such appeal to give Judgement thereon ; which Judge- 
ment shall be final, and process issue upon it, in like manner 
as on the Judgement of any Court of Common Pleas estab- 
lished in any of the Colonies."^ It is curious that no 
provision of this article applies in any way to the govern- 
ment of the French residing at the various posts. 

Turning to another source, we find a document addressed 
directly to the inhabitants of the Illinois country, dated in 
New York, December 30, 1764 and signed by General 
Thomas Gage,^" which was not announced in Illinois until 
the entry of Captain Sterling in October of the following 
year. This proclamation related solely to guarantees by 
the British government of the right of the inhabitants under 
the treaty of Paris : freedom of religion , the liberty of re- 
moving from or remaining within English territory, and 
regulations concerning the oath of allegiance make up its 
contents. Whether the inhabitants were to enjoy a civil 
government or be ruled by the army there is no intimation. 

In contrast with the barren papers of 1 763-1 765 the 
documentary material after those dates proves so much 
more productive, that we are enabled to arrive at some 
pretty definite conclusions. Fortunately there were a few 
men in authority during that period who had considerable 
interest in the interior settlements, and who, from their 
official positions, realized the difficulties of the problem. 
General Thomas Gage, Sir William Johnson, and Lord 
Hillsborough are perhaps the most representative ex- 
amples. Gage, who was commander-in-chief of the British 
army in America throughout the period under considera- 
tion, with headquarters in New York City, was in direct 

^ Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 244. 

^^ American" State Papers, Public Lands, II, 209; Dillon, Hist, oj 
Indiana, I, 93-94; see below, ch. IV. 



1 8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1773 

communication both with his subordinates in Illinois and 
with the home authorities and was in a position to know 
the general state of affairs in the West as well as to keep in 
touch with ministerial opinion. Sir William Johnson, by 
virtue of his office as superintendent of Indian affairs 
for the northern district, was in a peculiarly strategic posi- 
tion for acquiring information. His Indian agents were 
stationed at all the western posts and he was in con- 
stant correspondence with the Board of Trade relative to 
the Indian and trade conditions. In the ministry itself 
the correspondence of Lord Hillsborough perhaps best 
reflects the prevailing opinion of the government. He 
was one of the few ministerial authorities who took any 
considerable interest in the western problem and informa- 
tion coming from him must therefore have weight. 

That the British commandant of the fort in the Illinois 
country had no commission to govern the inliabitants, ex- 
cept that power which naturally devolves upon the military 
officer in the absence of all other authority," appears 
amply clear from a recommendation transmitted by Gen- 
eral Gage to his superior. Secretary Conway, shortly after 
the occupation of Fort de Chartres : *'If I may presume 
to give my opinion further on this matter, I would humbly 
propose that a Military Governor should be appointed for 
the Illinois \sic\ as soon as possible. The distance of 
that country from any of the Provinces being about 1400 
Miles, makes its Dependance upon any one of them im- 

^' " The Secretary of State havinsf signified to rne that as my Com- 
mission under the Great Seal as Commander-in-Chief of all His 
Majesty's Forces in North America includes Florida and the Country 
ceded by Spain, on this Continent, and likewise the Country ceded by 
France on the left side of the Mississippi; It is the King's Pleasure I 
should give the necessary Orders to the Officers commanding the 
Troops, etc." Amherst to Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson, August 24, 
1763, P. R. O., B. T. Papers, no. 19, fol. 49. 



STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 



19 



practicable , and from its Vicinity to the French Settlements , 
no other than a Military Government would answer our pur- 
pose." ^^ In the following year he took a similar view in a 
communication to Sir William Johnson, his co- laborer in 
America : ' * I am quite sensible of the irregular behavior of 
the Traders and have intimated to his Majesty's Secretary 
of State what I told the Board of Trade four or five years 
ago : That they must be restrained by Law, and a Judicial 
Power invested in the Officer Commanding at the Posts to 
see such Law put in force. And without this, Regulations 
may be made, but they will never be observed." '^ 

During this period the authorities seemed unable to com- 
bat successfully the condition of comparative anarchy in 
the Illinois country and indeed in all the western posts and 
throughout the Indian country. Had all the regulations 
outlined in 1764 in the plan for the management of Indian 
affairs'* been put into operation, the Indian department 
would have been able to cope more successfully with that 
phase of the situation. But neither military nor Indian 
departments had legal authority to administer justice in the 
West.^^ In 1767, speaking of his inability to handle the 

12 Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa,), 
vol. XX. 

^*Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS. (N. Y. State 
Library), vol. XIV, no. 28. 

^* See below, ch. V. 

'^ In the Mutiny Act, passed in 1765, a clause was inserted regulating 
criminal procedure in the Indian country, whereby persons accused of 
crimes were directed to be conveyed to the civil magistrate of the next 
adjoining province, where they should be tried. " . An Act for 

punishing Mutiny and Desertion, and for the better Payment of the 
Army and their Quarters." 5 Geo. Ill, cap. XXXIII. This was 
evidently too slow a process. I have found but one case in the his- 
tory of the Illinois colony where the clause was executed. October 
7, 1769, Gage wrote to Hillsborough: "Two persons are confined in 
Fort Chartres for murther, and the Colonel [Wilkins] proposes to 
send them to Philadelphia, about fifteen hundred miles, to take their 
Tryall." P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125. 



20 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

situation for lack of sufficient powers, Johnson declared 
that " The authority of Commissaries is nothing, and both 
the Commanding Officers of Garrisons and they, are liable 
to a civil prosecution for detaining a Trader on any pre- 
tence." ^^ Writing of the disturbances which occurred in 
Illinois a few years later, the commanding general observed 
still more emphatically : ** And I perceive there has been 
wanting judicial powers to try and determine. There has 
been no way to bring Controversys and Disputes properly 
to a determination or delinquents to punishment." ^^ 

There is probably some justification for the current be- 
lief that the government placed the inhabitants under a 
military rule, inasmuch as the actual government proved in 
the last analysis to be military. That the British ministry 
consciously attached the interior settlements to the military 
department is, however, far from the truth. Such a system 
of government was probably contemplated by no one be- 
tween the years 1763 and 1765 when the reorganization of 
the new acquisitions was under consideration. A large part 
of the new territory was believed to be within the fur-bear- 
ing region and the desire for the development of the fur 
trade controlled in the main the policy of the ministry re- 
lative to the disposition of the "peltry" districts. The in- 
terests of the settlements were therefore completely ignored. 

Secretary Hillsborough , who helped formulate the western 

^^ " Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians in the Northern 
District of America", N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 964. 

1^ Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. See also Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, ibid., vol. 
125. Lieutenant George Phyn, who went with a detachment of troops 
from Fort Pitt down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to Mobile in 1768, 
making a visit of several weeks at Fort de Chartres, wrote to Sir 
William Johnson: "There is no settled administration of Justice, but 
the whole depends upon the mere will and fancy of the Officer com- 
manding the Troops." April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, 
no. 109. 



STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 21 

policy in 1763 and 1764, doubtless gave the most adequate 
explanation when, in 1769, he wrote : ''With regard to the 
Posts in the interior Country considered in another view in 
which several of your letters have placed them ; I mean as 
to the Settlements formed under their protection, which, 
not being included within the jurisdiction of any other 
Colony are exposed to many Difficulties and Disadvantages 
from the Want of some Form of Government necessary to 
Civil Society, it is very evident that, if the case of these 
Settlements had been well known or understood at the time 
of forming the conquered Lands into Colonies, some pro- 
vision would have been made for them , and they would 
have been erected into distinct Governments or made de- 
pendent upon those other Colonies of which they were either 
the offspring, or with which they did by circumstances and 
situation, stand connected. I shall not fail, therefore, to 
give this matter the fullest consideration when the Business 
of the Illinois Country is taken up." ^^ 

Hillsborough's declaration that no provision for the gov- 
ernment of the settlements had ever been made is borne out 
by other testimony. A writer in the Annual Register iox 
1763,'^ after describing the boundaries of the various gov- 
ernments provided for by the royal proclamation, comment- 
ed as follows : " The reader will observe and possibly with 
some surprise, that in this distribution, much the largest, 
and perhaps, the most valuable part of our conquests, does 

18 Hillsborough to Gage, December 9, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 124. "If the people are left to shift for themselves entirely 
without any arrangements made for them, its possible they would no 
longer consider themselves subjects, join openly with enemy Indians, 
and British traders going to the Ihnois might be refused admittance 
and drove out of the Country." Gage to Hillsborough, March 4, 
1772, Sparks MSS. (Harvard College Library), XLIII, vol. 3, pp. 
164-165. 

^^ Annual Register^ VI, 20. 



22 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

not fall into any of the governments ; that the environs of 
the great lakes, the fine countries on the whole course of 
the Ohio and Wabashe, and almost all that tract of Louisi- 
ana, which lies on the hither branch of the Mississippi, are 
none of them comprehended in this distribution ..." 

In 1774 during the course of the debate in the House of 
Lords on the Quebec Act, which provided for the form of 
government and the extension of the boundaries of that col- 
ony to the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Lord North observed 
that ^' It takes in no countries regularly planted by British 
settlers, but merely distant military posts, at present with- 
out any government but that of the respective commanding 
officers. Now, the question here is merely this, Will you 
annex them under the present government? Will you leave 
them without any government? or will you form Separate 
governments and colonies of them? " ^" Finally the existence 
of such a large area of territory without a government was 
recognized in the preamble of the Quebec Act as ultimately 
passed : ' * And whereas, by the Arrangements made by the 
said Royal Proclamation, a very large Extent of Country, 
within which there were several Colonies and Settlements 
of the Subjects of Ff-ance, who claimed to remain therein 
under the Faith of the said Treaty, was left without any 
Provision being made for the Administration of Civil Govern- 
ment therein. ' ' ^^ 

^^ Pari. HisL, XVII, 1358. William Knox, the under secretary for 
the colonies, in a contemporaneous pamphlet makes the following as- 
sertion: *'As these settlers had been put entirely under the direction 
of the commanding Officers of the forts [during the French rule], when 
the French garrisons were withdrawn, and military orders ceased to be 
law, they were altogether without law or government; . . They had 
been accustomed to obey French military orders, and the English offi- 
cers, . . of their own authority exercised the same command over 
them." Justice and Policy of the Quebec Act, 39. 

2^ Can. Const. Docs., ij^g-jjgi^ 401. In a paper entitled ** Pro- 
posed Extension of Provincial Limits ", one of the reasons given for the 



STATUS IN THE EMPIRE 



23 



English troops took formal possession of Fort de Char- 
tres, the military post in the Illinois country, in 1765. It 
was not intended, however, that the army should continue 
there indefinitely. '^ Nevertheless as time went on the 
necessity became evident of being constantly prepared to 
crush a possible uprising of the savages and to repel the 
constant invasion of the French and Spanish traders from 
beyond the Mississippi, whose influence over the Indians, 
it was feared, would be detrimental to the peace of the em- 
pire. In its policy of retrenchment owing to the trouble 
with the colonies, the government at various times contem- 
plated the withdrawal of the troops,'^ but each time the 
detachment was allowed to remain ; the sole reason given 
was to guard that portion of the empire against the French 
and Indians.^* 

Attention has now been called to the entire absence of 
regulations for the government of the western settlements 
in any of the official documents relating to that territory 
prior to 1774. The proclamation of 1763, which had de- 
finitely extended the laws of England to the new provinces of 
Quebec and the Floridas, made no similar provision for the 
West. This statement also holds for other state papers such 

extension of the Quebec boundary was to " extend the benefits of Civil 
Government to the Settlements of Canadian Subjects that have been 
formed in the different parts of " the interior country, ibid.^ 381. 
In the first two draughts of the Quebec Act no reference is made to 
the western settlements, ibtd,^ 376-380. 

^* Hillsborough to Gage, February 17, 1770, P. R, O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125. 

23 <« Xhe situation and peculiar circumstances of the Ilinois Country, 
and the use, if that Country is maintained, of guarding the Ohio and 
Ilinois Rivers at or near their junctions with the Mississippi has been 
set forth to your Lordship in my letter of the 22d of Feb. last. It is 
upon that plan the Regiment is posted in the Disposition in the Ilinois 
Country." Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibtd., vol. 123. 

^* See for example, Hillsborough to Gage, February 17, 1770, ibid., 
vol. 125; Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid., vol. 123. 



24 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

as the plan of 1 7 64 for the management of Indian affairs 
and General Gage's proclamation to the inhabitants of Ill- 
inois in 1765. Nor in any of the correspondence relating 
to the various documents has any reference to the govern- 
ment of the French been discovered. On the other hand 
after 1765 we have the positive statements of such officials 
as Sir William Johnson, General Gage, Lord Hillsborough, 
and Lord North to the effect that the settlements in question 
had been left entirely without any arrangement for their 
government. Similar assertions in the Quebec Act and in 
contemporary works, books, and pamphlets contribute addi- 
tional testimony. 

In the course of this inquiry relative to the legal status of 
Illinois and the West no mention has been made of the ex- 
tension or non- extension of English law and custom to the 
West after the cession. This is one of the more important 
general aspects of the western problem and merits attention 
inasmuch as it may throw further light on the legal position 
of the settlements. During the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries, the great era of English colonization, the ne- 
cessity of fixing definitely the legal status of the colonies 
called forth a series of judicial opinions and legal commen- 
taries. It is to these that we have to look to determine the 
theory held regarding the application of English law to the 
colonies and particularly to conquered provinces. In gen- 
eral it may be said that Blackstone represents the usual 
view taken by jurists during these two centuries. In his 
Commentaries published in 1765 he declared that "■ In 
conquered or ceded countries, that have already laws of 
their own, the king may indeed alter and change those laws, 
but until he actually does change them, the ancient laws of 
the country remain. "^^ This opinion is supported by the 

2S Blackstone, Commentaries (3d ed., Cooley), Intro., sec. 4, 107. 



STATUS JW THE EMPIRE 25 

authority of Lord Mansfield in his decision in the case of 
Campbell v. Hall,^*' rendered in 1774, which involved the 
status of the island of Grenada, a conquered province. He 
laid down in this decision the general principle that the 
'' laws of a conquered country continue in force until they 
are altered by the conquerer. •- The justice and antiquity of 
this maxim are incontrovertible . . ."^'^ 

As has already been suggested the proclamation of 1763 
failed to extend English law to the West, nor did the crown 
ever take such action. We may therefore lay down the 
general principle that although with the change of sover- 
eignty the public law of England was substituted for that 
of France, the private law of the province remained un- 
changed. The British government then was obliged to govern 
its new subjects in this region according to the laws and 
customs hitherto prevailing among them ; any other course 
would manifestly be illegal. The commanding general of 
the army in America and his subordinates, who were em- 
barrassed by the presence of this French settlement for 
which no provision had been made by the ministry, and 
who found it necessary to assume the obligation of enforc- 
ing some sort of order in that country, had no power to 
displace any of the laws and customs of the French inhabi- 
tants. It will be pointed out in succeeding chapters that 
this general principle, although adhered to in many respects, 
was not uniformly carried out. 



^^Text of decision in Can. Const, Docs., ij^g-iygj^ 366-372. 

^'' Other important leading cases, such as Calvin's case, involving the 
status of Jamaica, are of the same effect. See also Sioussat, English 
Statutes hi Maryland (J. H. U. Studies, XXI), 481-487, and espe- 
cially Walton, The Scope and Interpretation of the Civil Code of lower 
Canada, 6-7, 26-27. The same opinion is expressed by Attorney- 
General Thurlow in a speech in Parliament in 1774 on the subject of 
the Quebec Act. This speech is found in Egerton and Grant, Canadian 
Const. Development, 33-41. 



26 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

It is apparent from the foregoing considerations that the 
government of the Illinois people was de facto in its nature. 
It had no legal foundations. Every act of the military 
department was based on expediency. Although in general 
this course was accepted by the home authorities, all offi- 
cials concerned were aware that such a status could not 
continue indefinitely. Nevertheless it did continue for a- 
bout a decade, during which time the inhabitants were at 
the mercy of some six or seven different military command- 
ants. In 1774, however. Parliament passed the Quebec 
Act, which provided, among other things, for the union of 
all the western country north of the Ohio River, which but 
for the cataclysm of the American Revolution would have 
secured civil government for the whole region. 



CHAPTER III. 

Occupation of the Illinois Country 

By the treaty of Paris the title to the Illinois region pass- 
ed to Great Britain, but Fort de Chartres was not immedi- 
ately occupied. Detachments of British troops had taken 
possession of practically every other post in the newly ceded 
territory as early as 1760. The occupation of the forest 
posts of Green Bay, Mackinac, St. Joseph, Ouiatanon, De- 
troit, Fort Miami, Sandusky, Niagara, and others seemed 
to indicate almost complete British dominion in the West. 
The transfer of the Illinois posts, however, remained to 
be effected, and although in the summer of 1763 orders 
were forwarded from France to the officers commanding in 
the ceded territory to evacuate as soon as the English forces 
appeared , ^ almost three years elapsed before the occupa- 
tion was accomplished ; for soon after the announcement of 
the treaty of cession, the chain of Indian tribes stretching 
from the fringe of the eastern settlements to the Mississippi 
River rose in rebellion.^ This unexpected movement had 
to be reckoned with before any thought of the occupation 
of the Illinois country could be seriously entertained. 

Of the two great northern Indian families, the Iroquois 
had generally espoused the English cause during the recent 

^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 272-273. 

^For the Indian rebellion the best secondary accounts are: Park- 
man, Conspiracy of Pontiac, Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 1-112; 
Poole, "The West", in Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., VI, 
684-700; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 432-446; Bancroft, Hist, of U. S. 
(ed. of 1852, containing references), IV, 1 10-133. 

27 



28 IHE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

war, while the Algonquin nations, living in Canada and 
the lake and Ohio regions, had supported the French. At 
the close of the war the greater portion of the French had 
sworn fealty to the English crown, although the allegiance 
of their allies, the Algonquins, was at best only temporary. 
It was thought that, since the power of France had been 
crushed, there would be no further motive for the Indian 
tribes to continue hostilities. From 1 761, however, there 
had been a growing feehng of discontent among the western 
Indians. So long as France and Great Britain were able to 
hold each other in check in America the Indian nations 
formed a balance of power, so to speak, between them. 
England and France vied with each other to conciliate 
the savages and to win their good-will. As soon, however, 
as English dominion was assured, this attitude was some- 
what changed. The fur trade under the French had been 
well regulated, but its condition under the English from 
1760 to 1763 was deplorable.-^ The English traders were 
rash and unprincipled men * who did not scruple to cheat 
and insult their Indian clients at every opportunity. The 
more intelligent of the western and northern Indians per- 
ceived that their hunting grounds would soon be overrun 
by white settlers with a fixed purpose of permanent settle- 
ment. ^ This was probably the chief cause of the Indian up- 
rising. There remained in the forests many French and 
renegade traders and hunters who constantly concocted 

^Parkman, Conspiracy of Fontiac, I, 182; Pownall, Admin, of the 
Coh.y I, 187-188. Although Pownall discusses the situation somewhat 
earlier, he appears to hold the same view which Johnson and other 
contemporaries express later. 

* Johnson to Lords of Trade, N. V. Col. Docs., VII, 929, 955, 960, 
964, 987; Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 188; Kingsford, Hist, of 
Can.i V, I2iff. 

^Johnson to Amherst, July 11, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 532; 
Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 187-190. 



OCCUPATION 29 

insidious reports as to English designs and filled the savage 
minds with hope of succor from the king of France. 
Many of the French inhabitants had since 1760 emigrated 
beyond the Mississippi, because, as the Indians thought, 
they feared to live under English rule. '^ This doubtless 
contributed something towards the rising discontent of the 
savages. Finally the policy of economy in expenses, which 
General Amherst inaugurated, cut off a large part of the 
Indian presents, always so indispensable in deahng with 
that race, and augured poorly for the future welfare of the 
Indians. 

The mass of the Indians rose chiefly from resentment, 
but Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawas, acted from a 
deeper motive. He determined to rehabilitate French 
power in the West and to reunite all the Indian nations into 
one great confederacy in order to ward off approaching 
dangers. During the years 1 761-1762 he developed the 
plot and in 1762 he despatched his emissaries to all the 
Indian nations. The ramifications of the conspiracy ex- 
tended to all the Algonquin tribes, to some of the nations 
on the lower Mississippi, and even to a portion of the Six 
Nations. The original aim of the plot was the destruction 
of the garrisons on the frontier, after which the settlements 
were to be attacked. The assault on the outposts, begin- 
ning in May, 1763, was sudden and overwhelming ; Detroit, 
Fort Pitt, and Niagara alone held out, the remainder of the 
posts falling without an attempt at defense. Had the 
proclamation of 1763, which aimed at the pacification of 
the Indians by reserving to them the western lands, been 

6 Johnson to Amherst, July 11, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 532; 
Pownall, Admin, of the Cols., I, 187-190. 

■^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, I, 181, quoting from a letter of 
Sir William Johnson to Governor Golden, December 24, 1763; Winsor, 
Miss. Basin, 433. 



30 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

issued earlier in the year, this devastating war might have 
been avoided. Peaceful pacification was now, however, 
out of the question. During the summers of 1763 and 
1764 Colonel Bouquet raised the siege of Fort Pitt, pene- 
trated the enemy's country in the upper Ohio Valley, and 
completely subdued the Shawnee and Delaware tribes upon 
whom Pontiac had depended. Previous to Bouquet's 
second campaign. Colonel Bradstreet had advanced with a 
detachment along the southern shore of Lake Erie, pene- 
trating as far west as Detroit, whence companies were sent 
to occupy the posts in the upper lake region. In the cam- 
paign as a whole the Bouquet expedition was the most ef- 
fective. After the ratification of a series of treaties, in 
which the Indians promised allegiance to the English crown, 
the eastern portion of the rebellion was broken. 

It now remained to reach the Illinois country in order to 
relieve the French garrison at Fort de Chartres. Pontiac 
had retired thither in 1764, after his unsuccessful attempt 
upon Detroit. There he had hoped to rally the western 
tribes and sue for the support of the French. But as we 
shall see, his schemes received a powerful blow by the re- 
fusal of the commandants to countenance his plans. 

To what extent Pontiac was assisted by French intriguers 
in the development of his plans may never be positively 
known. As has already been pointed out, French traders 
were constantly among the Indians, filling their minds with 
hopes and fears. That the plot included French officials 
may be doubted, although Sir William Johnson and General 
Gage seemed convinced that such was the case.^ Their 

8 Johnson to Lords of Trade, July i, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 
525; Johnson to Amherst, July 8, 1763, ibid., 531; Johnson to Lords 
of Trade, December 26, 1764, ibid., 688-689; Gage to Bouquet, June 
5, 1764, Can. Arch. (Ottawa), series A, vol. 8, p. 409; Gage to 
Bouquet, October 21, 1764, ibid., p, 479; Johnson to Governor 
Golden, January 22, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. X, no. 99. 



OCCUPATION 31 

belief, however, was based almost wholly upon reports from 
Indian runners, whose credibility as witnesses may well be 
questioned. A perusal of the correspondence of the French 
officials^ residing in Illinois and Louisiana, and of their 
official communications with the Indians during this period 
goes far to clear them of complicity in the affair. "^ 

General Gage, who succeeded Amherst as commander- 
in-chief of the British army in America in November, 1763, 
was convinced that the early occupation of the western 
posts was essential, " since it would in a measure cut off 
communication between the French and the Indian nations 
dwelling in that vicinity. The Indians, finding themselves 
thus inclosed, would be more easily pacified. The partici- 
pation in the rebellion of the Shawnee and Delaware tribes 
of the upper Ohio River region precluded for a time, how- 
ever, the possibility of reaching the Mississippi posts by way 
of Fort Pitt without a much larger force than Gage had at 
his command in the East, and the colonies were already 
avoiding the call for additional troops. ^" The only other 
available route was by way of New Orleans and the Missis- 
sippi River, whose navigation had been declared open to 

^ Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 470; Neyon to Kerlerec, December i, 
1763, Bancroft Coll. (Lenox Library); extracts from letters of d'Ab- 
badie, January, 1764, Gz«. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471; d'Abbadie to 
the French minister, 1764, ibid., 472. 

^''This is the view taken by Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 
279, and by Bancroft, Hist, of U. S., V, 133, 136. But Kingsford, 
//ist. of Can., V, 25, takes an opposite view. He says that the " high 
character claimed for Pontiac cannot be established . He can be 
looked upon in no higher light, than the instrument of the French 
officials and Traders." On page 6 he declares that "there is no evi- 
dence to establish him as the central figure organizing this hostile feel- 
ing." 

^^Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 444, 456; Winsor, Narr. and Crit. 
Hist, of Am., VI, 702. 

^''Beer, British Colonial Policy, 263; Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 
68, 



32 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

the French and English aHke by the treaty of Paris. Little 
opposition might be expected from the southern Indians 
toward whom a liberal policy had been pursued. Presents 
to the value of four or five thousand pounds had been sent 
to Charleston in 1763 for distribution among the southern 
nations which counteracted in a large measure the machina- 
tions of the French traders from New Orleans. ^'^ The 
Florida posts, Mobile and Pensacola, were already occupied 
by English troops, and Gage and his associates believed 
that with the cooperation of the French governor of Louisiana 
a successful ascent could be made. ^* 

Accordingly in January, 1764, Major Arthur Loftus, with 
a detachment of three hundred and fifty-one men from the 
Twenty-second Regiment embarked at Mobile for New 
Orleans, where preparations were to be made for the voy- 
age. ^° A company of sixty men from this regiment were 
to be left at Fort Massac on the Ohio River, and the re- 
mainder were to occupy Kaskaskia and Fort de Chartres. '^ 
At New Orleans boats had to be built, supplies and pro- 
visions procured, and guides and interpreters provided. ^^ The 
expedition set out from New Orleans February 2 7 . Three 
weeks later the flotilla was attacked by a band of Tonica 
Indians near Davion's Bluff, or Fort Adams,^^ about two hun- 

'^Winsor, Miss. Basin, 4335 Oggj Opening of the Miss., 301. 

^* Bouquet to Amherst, December i, 1763. Can. Arch., series A, vol. 4, 
p. 443; Gage to Bouquet, December 22, 1763, ibid., vol. 8, p. 341, 
Early in February, 1764, Captain George Johnston arrived at Pensacola 
with a detachment of troops. On February 24th he despatched Loftus 
to take possession of Fort de Chartres, Albach, Annals of the West, 88. 

^^Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft 
Coll., Eng. and Am., 1 764-1 765; de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernieres 
Annees de la Louisiane frajigaise, 180. 

1^ Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. ^^ Ibid. 

^^ Loftus to Gage, April o, 1764, ibid.'. Gage to Halifax, May 21, 
1764, ibid.; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontine, II, 283, 285; Kings- 



OCCUPATION 33 

dred and forty miles above New Orleans. After the loss of 
several men in the boats composing the vanguard Loftus 
ordered a retreat and the expedition was abandoned. De- 
pleted by sickness , death, and desertion the regiment made 
its way from New Orleans back to Mobile. ^^ 

Major Loftus placed the blame for the failure of his expe- 
dition upon Governor d'Abbadie and other French officials 
at New Orleans. ^"^ There is probably sufficient evidence, 
however, to warrant the conclusion that his accusations 
against the governor were without foundation. The corre- 
spondence of d'Abbadie, Gage, and others indicates that 
official aid was given the English in making their prepara- 
tions for the journey, ^^ and letters were issued to the com- 
mandants of the French posts on the Mississippi to render 
the English convoys all the assistance in their power. ^^ 

ford, Hist of Can., V, 69-74; Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am.., 
"VI, 701, 702; Gayarre, Louisiana, II, 102-103. See map, "Course 
of the Mississippi River", by Lieutenant Ross, London, 1772, showing 
where Loftus' force was driven back. A section of this map is repro- 
duced in Winsor, Miss. Basin, 450. 

19 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernier es Annies de la Loui- 
siane frangaise, 182-184; Claiborne, Hist, of Miss., I, 104-105. 

20 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1764-1765. 

"Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1764-1765; "Account of what happened in Illinois when the English 
attempted to take possession of it by way of the Mississippi", in 
Archives of the Ministry of the Colonies, summarized in Can. Arch. 
Report, 1905, I, 470-471; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 284, 
n. I, containing a letter from Gage thanking d'Abbadie for his efforts 
in behalf of the English. 

22 Summary of the correspondence of d'Abbadie with the French 
commandants, January, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471. Park- 
man, who made a careful study of the correspondence in the French 
archives, came to the conclusion that the French officials may l;e ex- 
onerated. Winsor holds a similar view, Miss. Basin, 452. See also 
Gayarre, Louisiana, II, loi. Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 69-74, 
places no dependence, however, in d'Abbadie's statements. On the 
other hand he bases most of his argument upon a letter of Loftus which 



34 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

There may have been some justification for the suspicion of 
Loftus that intrigues were at work, for the French as a 
whole were not in sympathy with the attempt, and the suc- 
cess of the English would mean the cessation of the lucra- 
tive trade between New Orleans and Illinois. They were 
no doubt delighted at the discomfiture of the English officer, 
for when some of the chiefs engaged in the ambuscade 
entered New Orleans they are said to have been publicly 
received. ^^ 

Granting, however, the machinations of the French, the 
chief reason for the failure of Loftus may be found in the 
absence of precautions before undertaking the journey. 
Governor d'Abbadie had given the English officer warning 
of the bad disposition of a number of tribes along the Mis- 
sissippi River, among whom Pontiac had considerable in- 
fluence , and had assured him that unless he carried presents 
to the Indians, he would be unable to proceed far up the 
river. ^* The policy of sending advance agents with con- 
voys of presents for the Indians was successful the follow- 
ing year when the Illinois posts were finally reached from 
the east, but no such policy was adopted at this time.'^^ 
No action was taken to counteract any possible intrigues 
on the part of the French ; d'Abbadie's advice was not 
heeded, and his prophecy was fulfilled. General Gage, in 
his official correspondence relative to a second attempt, 
implied that he did not think sufficient care had been exer- 

he quotes at length, but gives no hint as to its location, date, etc. It 
is evidently not the letter written to Gage, which is quoted above. 

25 Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764- 1 765. 

2* Gage to Halifax, April 14, 1764, N. V. Col. Docs., VII, 619. 

2^ This has reference to those tribes along the Mississippi River who 
were in direct communication with Pontiac and the French. The great 
Cherokee and Chickasaw nations were favorable to the English. 



OCCUPATION 



35 



cised to insure success, and expressed his belief that if Lof- 
tus would make use of the ' ' necessary precautions ' ' he 
might reach the mouth of the Ohio with little interruption. ^^ 
This want of judgment, therefore, accounts in a large de- 
gree for the unfortunate termination of the plans for an 
approach from the south. 

The news of the defeat of Loftus had two results. First, 
it gave Pontiac renewed hope that he might be able to rally 
again the western and northern Indians, and, with French 
assistance, block the advance of the English. In the second 
place it led General Gage to determine upon an advance 
from the east, down the Ohio River, which was made prac- 
ticable by the recent submission of the Shawnee and Dela- 
ware Indians. 

Meanwhile the Illinois country in 1764 presented an 
anomalous situation. St. Ange was governing, in the name 
of Louis XV, a country belonging to another king. Al- 
though he was under orders to surrender the place as soon 
as possible to its rightful owner, the prospect of such sur- 
render seemed remote. He was not only surrounded by 
crowds of begging, thieving savages, but was also being con- 
stantly petitioned by the emissaries of Pontiac for his active 
support against the approaching English. A considerable 
portion of the French traders of the villages were secretly, 
and sometimes openly, supporting the Indian cause, which 
added greatly to the increasing embarrassment of the com- 
mandant. So distressing was the situation in 1764 that 
Neyon de Villiers, St. Ange's predecessor, had called the 
latter from Vincennes on the Wabash to Fort de Chartres 

*^Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, Can. Arch., series A, vol. 8, p. 
393; Gage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1764-1765; Gage to Haldimand, May 27, 1764, Brit. Mus., Add. 
MSS., 21, 662: Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. 
and Am., 1764-1765. 



36 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and left the country in disgust, taking with him to New 
Orleans sixty soldiers and eighty of the French inhabitants. " 
He had shortly before indignantly refused to countenance 
the proposals of Pontiac, and had begged the Indians to 
lay down their arms and make peace with the English. ^® 

The news of Lof tus ' defeat aroused in Pontiac the thought 
of meeting and repelling the advance from the east as it had 
been met and repelled in the south. In spite of the news 
of the defeat of his allies by Bouquet and the report that 
preparations were being made by his victorious enemy to 
advance against him , Pontiac determined to make a supreme 
effort. By a series of visits among the tribes dwelling in 
the Illinois country, on the Wabash, and in the Miami coun- 
try, he succeeded in arousing in them the instinct of self- 
preservation, in firing the hearts of all the faltering Indians, 
and in winning the promise of their cooperation in his plan 
of defense. It was under these circumstances that he met 
and turned back Captain Thomas Morris in the Miami 
country early in the autumn of 1764. Morris had been 
sent by Bradstreet, who was at this time engaged in his 
campaign against the northern Indians, from the neighbor- 
hood of Detroit with messages to St. Ange in the Illinois 
country, whence he was to proceed to New Orleans. ^^ After 



^'^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac^ II, 275; Winsor, Miss. Basin, 
454. 

2^ St. Ange to d'Abbadie, August 16, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, 
I, 471; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 279-280. 

2^ The original journal kept by Morris during this journey is reprinted 
in Thwaites, Early Wester 71 Travels, I, 298-328. There is also a 
biographical sketch in the same volume. See account by Henry C. 
Van Schaack, " Captain Thomas Morris in the Illinois Country ", Mag. 
of Am. Hist, VIII, Pt. 2, pp. 470-479. Correspondence relating to 
the Morris mission is to be found m the Bouquet Collection, Can. Arch., 
series A, vol. 8, pp. 475-491. For good accounts of the incident, see 
Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 198-208, and Kingsford, Hist, of 
Can., V, 8. 



OCCUPATION 37 

being maltreated and threatened with the stake Morris ef- 
fected an escape and made his way to Detroit. ^° It was 
during his interview with Pontiac that the latter informed 
him of the repulse of Loftus, of the journey of his own emis- 
saries to New Orleans to seek French support, and of the 
determination of the Indians to resist the English to the 
last. ^' 

A few months later, in February, 1765, there arrived at 
Fort de Chartres an English officer, John Ross, accom- 
panied by a trader named Crawford. They were probably 
the first Englishmen to penetrate thus far into the former 
French territory since the beginning of the war. ^"^ They 
had been sent from Mobile by Major Farmer, the com- 
mandant at that place, to bring about the conciliation of 
the Indians in the Illinois country. '^^ Instead of following 
the Mississippi they worked their way northward through 
the great Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to the Ohio, de- 
scended the latter to the Mississippi and proceeded thence 
to the Illinois villages. ^^ Although St. Ange received them 
cordially ^'"^ and did all in his power to influence the savages 
to receive the English,^*' the mission of Ross was a failure. 
The western Indians had nothing but expressions of hatred 

^''This incident illustrates the practical failure of Bradstreet's cam- 
paign against the Indians in the lake region. While he retook the 
posts, his terms were so easy that the Indians were not in the least awed 
by the proximity of his army. 

^^Thwaites, Early Western Travels^ I, 305. 

^^Ross to Farmer, February 21, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; Gage to Halifax, August 10, 1765, ibid. 

^•^ Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1764-1765; H. Gordon to Johnson, August 10, 1765, Johnson MSS., 
vol. XI, no. 73. 

^*Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. 

*^Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. ^^ Ibid. 



38 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and defiance for the English ; even the Missouri and Osages 
from beyond the Mississippi had fallen under the influence 
of Pontiac.^' Ross and his companion remained with St. 
Ange nearly two months, but about the middle of April 
were obliged to go down the river to New Orleans. ^^ 

During the winter of 17 64-1 7 65 preparations were made 
to send a detachment of troops down the Ohio from Fort 
Pitt to relieve Fort de Chartres. To pave the way for the 
troops two agents were despatched in advance. Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson selected his deputy, George Croghan, for the 
delicate and dangerous task of going among the Indians of 
that country to assure them of the peaceful attitude of the 
English, to promise them better facilities for trade, and to 
accompany the promise with substantial presents. ^^ The 
second agent was Lieutenant Eraser, *° whose mission was to 
carry letters from General Gage to the French commandant 



^' Ibid.; " Copy of Council held at the Illinois in April, 1765", P. 
R. O., Home Office Papers, Dom., Geo. Ill, vol. 3, no. 4 (i); copy 
of minutes of council, April 4, 1765, summarized in Can. Arch. Report, 
1905, I, 473. See also de Villiers du Terrage, Les dernieres Annees 
de la Louisiane frangaise, 220. 

^^Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. 

^^ Johnson to Gage, June 9, 1764, Johnson MSS., vol. XIX, no. iii; 
Johnson to Lords of Trade, December 26, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs., 
VII, 689; Bouquet to Gage, January 5, 1765, Can. Arch., series A, 
vol. 7, p III; V2.xVtc\zx\, Conspiracy of Pontiac^W,2.i)\-i<)2; Winsor, 
Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., VI, 702. Croghan is one of the most 
interesting figures of the period. He had charge, as Sir Wilham John- 
son's deputy, of the Indians in the Ohio River region, and was thor- 
oughly conversant with western affairs. For biographical sketch, see 
Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 47-52, or N. Y. Col. Docs., 
VII, 690. 

*^Gage to Bouquet, December 24, 1764, Can. Arch., series A, vols 
8, p. 499; same to same, December 30, 1764, ibid. This distinction i- 
not generally made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser accom. 
panied Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See however, Winsor, Miss. 
Basin, 456. Ogg, Opening of the Miss., 310, places Fraser's journey 
a year previous to Croghan's, which is obviously an error. 



OCCUPATION 



39 



and a proclamation for the inhabitants. *' January 24, 1 765 , 

Fraser and Croghan set out from Carlisle, Pennsylvania,*^ 

followed a few days later by a large convoy of presents. *^ 

During the journey the convoy was attacked by a band of 

Pennsylvania borderers,*' and a large part of the goods 

destined for the Indians was destroyed *^ together with some 

valuable stores which certain Philadelphia merchants were 

forwarding to Fort Pitt for the purpose of opening up the 

trade as early as possible. ^^ Croghan found it necessary 

therefore to tarry at Fort Pitt to replenish his stores and to 

await the opening of spring.*^ Another matter, however, 

intervened which forced him to postpone his departure for 

more than two months. A temporary defection had arisen 

among the Shawnee and Delaware Indians. ^^ They had 

failed to fulfill some of the obligations imposed upon them 

by Bouquet in the previous summer, and there was some 

fear lest they might not permit Croghan to pass through 

their country. His influence was such however, that in 

an assembly of the tribes at Fort Pitt he not only received 

their consent to a safe passage, but some of their number 

volunteered to accompany him. ^^ 

^^ Gage to Johnson, February 2, 1765, Parkman Coll. (Mass. Hist. 
See), Ponliac-Miscell. , 1 765-1 778. 

*^Jos. Galloway to B. Franklin, January 23, 1765, Sparks MSS., 
XVI, 54, 55. 

^^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Poniiac^ II, 292. 

**The frontiersmen could not understand the significance of the 
movement and were incensed at the idea of giving valuable presents to 
the Indians. 

*^ Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs.^ VII, 
716; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac^ II, 292-297. 

*^ Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 
716. 

*^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Poniiac, II, 297. 

*^ Johnson to Lords of Trade, January 16, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs.^ 
VII, 694. 

*^Croghan's "Journal of transactions", February 28 to May I2, 



40 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Meantime Lieutenant Fraser, Croghan's companion, de- 
cided to proceed alone, inasmuch as Gage's instructions to 
him were to be at the Illinois country early in April. ^° On 
March 23 he departed, accompanied by two or three whites 
and a couple of Indians, ^^ and reached the Illinois posts in 
the latter part of April, shortly after the departure of Lieu- 
tenant Ross and his party. Here Fraser found many of 
the Indians in destitution and some inclined for peace. '"'^ 
Nevertheless, instigated by the traders and encouraged by 
secret presents, the savages as a whole would not listen to 
him. He was thrown into prison, his life threatened, and 
was finally saved only by the intervention of Pontiac him- 
self . ^^ Fraser, feeling himself to be in a dangerous situa- 
tion, unable to hear from Croghan, whom he was daily ex- 



1765, MS. in Parkman Coll.; Johnson to Burton, June 6, 1765, John- 
son MSS. , vol. X, no. 263. Johnson had expected Croghan to meet 
Pontiac at Fort Pitt, but in this he was disappointed. Johnson to 
Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, A". Y. Col. Docs., VII, 716. 

^° Croghan's "Journal of transactions", February 28 to May 12, 
1765, MS. in Parkman Coll. 

^^ Maissonville, a Frenchman, and one Andrew, an interpreter, were 
among the whites. Shawnee and Seneca Indians also accompanied 
the party. Note the error in Kingsford, Hist, of Can., V, 116, and in 
Wallace, Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule, 354, wherein 
Sinnott is said to have accompanied Fraser. Sinnott had been sent 
about the same time from the south by Indian agent Stuart. On ar- 
riving at the Illinois his goods were plundered and he was finally forced 
to flee to New Orleans. Johnson to Lords of Trade, September 28, 
1765, N. V. Col. Docs., VII, 765; same to same, November 16, 1765, 
idid., 776. Apparently Sinnott must have arrived at Illinois after 
Fraser's departure for New Orleans, since Croghan implies that Sinnott 
was still at Fort de Chartres during his own captivity at Vincennes. 
See Croghan's *' Journal and transactions ", May 15 to September 25, 
1765, as printed in JV. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 780. 

^^ Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 300. 

^'Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; Fraser to Crawford, May 20, 1765, Mich. Piojieer and 
Hist. Colls., X, 216-218; Fraser to Gage, May 26, 1765, Bancroft 
Coll., Eng. and Am., 1764-1765; Gage to Johnson, August 12, 1765, 
Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 1765-1778. 



OCCUPATION 41 

pecting, and frequently insulted and maltreated by the 
drunken savages , took advantage of his discretionary orders 
and descended the Mississippi toward New Orleans. '^^ Al- 
though the French traders continued to supply the Indians 
with arms and ammunition, and to buoy up their spirits by 
stories of aid from the king of France , Pontiac himself was 
being rapidly disillusioned. He had given Fraser the as- 
surance that if the Indians on the Ohio had made a per- 
manent peace he would do likewise. ^^ St. Ange continued 
to refuse the expected help , ^^ so that when the news came 
of the failure of the mission to New Orleans and of the 
transfer of Louisiana to Spain, the ruin of the Indian cause 
was complete. 

Having adjusted affairs with the Indians at Fort Pitt, 
Croghan set out from there on May 15th with two boats, 
accompanied by several white companions and a party of 
Shawnee Indians. ^^ In compliance with messages from 
Croghan, representatives from numerous tribes along the 
route met him at the mouth of the Scioto and delivered up 
a number of French traders who were compelled to take an 
oath of allegiance to the English crown , or pass to the west 

^* Fraser to Gage, June 16, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontine, II, 302; de Villiers du 
Terrage, Les dernieres Annees de la Louisiane frangaise, 220-221. 
Reports were current in the East that Fraser and his party were killed 
by Indians. See Gage to Johnson, June 17, 1765, Myers Coll. (Lenox 
Library); Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XI, no. 43. One of the party, Maissonville, remained in Illinois, 
Thwaites, Early Wester jt Travels^ I, 146. Fraser accompanied 
Farmer back t.o Fort de Chartres later in the year, Fraser to Gage, 
December 16, 1765,^6. T.Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XX. 

^^Fraser to Campbell, May 20, 1765, Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., 
X, 216-218. 

^^St. Ange to d'Abbadie, Can. Arch. Report^ 1905, I, 471. 

'''A party of traders headed by one Crawford preceded Croghan. 
They were, however, cut off before reaching the Illinois country. 
Shuckburgh to Johnson, July 25, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. XI, no. 56. 



42 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

of the Mississippi. ^^ The only other incident of import- 
ance on this voyage was an attack by the Kickapoos and 
Mascoutin Indians near the mouth of the Wabash on June 
8th, ^^ which contributed greatly to the success of the mis- 
sion. After the attack, in which two whites and several 
Shawnees were killed, the assailants expressed their profound 
sorrow, declaring that they thought the party to be a band 
of Cherokees with whom they were at enmity. ^° Neverthe- 
less, they plundered the stores and carried Croghan and the 
remainder of the party to Vincennes, a small French town 
on the Wabash. Croghan was now separated temporarily 
from his companions and carried to Fort Ouiatanon, about 
two hundred and ten miles north of Vincennes. The poli- 
tical blunder of the Kickapoos in firing upon the convoy 
now became apparent ; ®' they were censured on all sides for 
having attacked their friends, the Shawnees, since the latter 
might thus be turned into deadly enemies. ''^ During the 
first week of July deputations from all the surrounding tribes 
visited Croghan, assuring him of their desire for peace and 
of their willingness to escort him to the Illinois country 

^^Croghan's journal in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131; 
Parknian, Conspiracy of Fonliac, II, 304. The chief sources of in- 
formation for this journey are Croghan's journals, most of which have 
been printed in Thwaites, Early Western Travels^ I, 1 26- 1 66. P'or 
good secondary accounts see Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304- 
315; Kingsford, Hist, of Can , V, 1 16-120; Winsor, Narr. and Crit. 
Hist, of Am.^ VI, 704; Winsor, Aliss. Basin, 456-457. 

^'Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131 ; 
Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. 

**' Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 139. 

^^ Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765; Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, ibid. 

^'^ Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764- 1 765; Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, ^frtr/y Western Travels, 
I, 146. 



OCCUPATION 43 

where Pontiac was residing.'^' July nth, Maissonville , 
whom Fraser had a few weeks before left at Fort de Char- 
tres, arrived at Ouiatanon with messages from St. Ange re- 
questing Croghan to come to Fort de Chartres to arrange 
affairs in that region. ^* A few days later Croghan set out 
for the Illinois country, attended by a large concourse of 
savages, but had advanced only a short distance when he 
met Pontiac himself who was on the road to Ouiatanon. 
They all returned to the fort where, at a great council, Pont- 
iac signified his willingness to make a lasting peace and 
promised to offer no further resistance to the approach of 
the English troops. ^^ There was now no need to go to Fort 
de Chartres ; instead Croghan turned his steps toward De- 
troit, where late in the summer of 1765, another important 
Indian conference was held in which a general peace was 
made with all the western Indians. ^^ 

Immediately after effecting an accommodation with Pont- 
iac at Ouiatanon, Croghan sent an account of the success 
of his negotiations to Fort Pitt, ^' where Captain Sterling 

^^ Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1764-1765; Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, 
I, 144-145; Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS., 
vol. XI, no. 43. 

^* Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 145- 
146. 

^^ Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 145- 
146; Jas. Macdonald to Johnson, July 24, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XI, no. 50; Thos. Hutchins to Johnson, August 31, 1765, ibid. no. 97; 
Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 
1 764-1 765. 

^^ Croghan's journal, in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 154- 
166; Johnson to Wallace, September 18, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XI, no. 56; Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., 
I'^ng. and Am., 1 764-1765; Johnson to Lords of Trade, September 
28, 1765, N. Y. Col. Bocs. ,\11, 766; Gnge to Conway, November 9, 
1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and Am., 1 764-1 765. The editor of the 
JV. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 982, says that Croghan went to Fort de 
Chartres, which is erroneous. 

^^Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and 



44 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

with a detachment of about one hundred men of the Forty - 
second or Black Watch Regiment, had been holding him- 
self in readiness for some time, waiting for a favorable re- 
port before moving to the relief of Fort de Chartres. Al- 
though the Thirty-fourth Regiment under Major Farmer 
was supposed to be making its way up the Mississippi to 
relieve the French garrison in Illinois, General Gage would 
not depend upon its slow and uncertain movements. ^^ 
Upon receipt of the news from Croghan, on the 24th of 
August Sterling left Fort Pitt ^"^ and began the long and te- 
dious journey. Owing to the season of the year the navi- 
gation of the Ohio was very difficult, forty-seven days being 
required to complete the journey. ^'^ The voyage on the 
whole was without incident until about forty miles below the 
Wabash River. Here Sterling's force encountered two boats 
loaded with goods, in charge of a French trader, and accom- 
panied by some thirty Indians and a chief of the Shawnees, 
who had remained in the French interest. ^' On account of 
the allegations of a certain Indian that his party had planned 
to fire on the English before they were aware of the latter 's 
strength, Sterling became apprehensive lest the attitude of 
the Indians had changed since Croghan 's visit. He there- 
fore sent Lieutenant Rumsey, with a small party, by land 
from Fort Massac to Fort de Chartres, in order to ascertain 



Am., 1 764-1 765; Johnson to Wallace, September 18, 1765, Johnson 
MSS., vol. XI, no. 56; Johnson to Lords of Trade, September 28, 
1765, N. Y, Col. Docs., VII, 766. 

^^Gage to Conway, September 23, 1765, Bancroft Coll., Eng. and 
Am., 1 764-1 765. 

^^ Ibid.', Letter of Jas. Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., 
Chatham Papers, vol. 97. 

^"Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. 

" Ibid. 



OCCUPATION 45 

the exact situation and to apprise St. Ange of his approach. '^^ 
Rumsey and his guides, however, lost their way and did 
not reach the villages until after the arrival of the troops. ^^ 
Sterling arrived on the 9th of October, ^* and on the follow- 
ing day St. Ange and the French garrison were formally re- 
lieved. '^ With this event the last vestige of French author- 
ity east of the Mississippi River passed away. 

■^2 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W, I., vol. 
122. 

^^Ibid. 

"'^Ibid.; Sterling alleged that the Indians and French were unaware 
of his approach until he was within a few miles of the villages, and that 
the Indians upon learning of the weakness of the English forces, as- 
sumed a most insolent and threatening attitude. He further asserted 
that although Croghan claimed to have made a peace with all the 
Illinois chiefs, he is assured that not one was present at the peace at 
Ouiatanon, and that his own sudden appearance at the villages was the 
real cause of his success. Sir William Johnson, in a letter to Croghan, 
February 21, 1766, casts doubt upon the representations of Sterhng. 
He says that it is easy to account for his motives, and that he has 
written General Gage fully upon the subject. The letter referred to has 
probably been destroyed, at any rate it is not in any of the large col- 
lections. Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 60. 

''^ Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 

122; Eidington to , October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, 

vol. 97; Gage to Johnson, December 30, 1765, MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa.; 
Gage to Barrington, January 8, 1766, P. R. 0., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122; Gage to Conway, January 16, 1766, ibid.; Johnson to Lords of 
Trade, January 31, 1766, N. V. Col. Does., VII, 808; Articles of sur- 
render, inventory of goods, etc., P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. 
These documents are printed in Transactions of the 111. State Hist. 
Soc. for 1907. For secondary account of the surrender, see Stone, 
Life of Sir William Johnson, II, 252. Captain Sterling relates in his 
letter to Gage that he had considerable difficulty in persuading St. 
Ange to surrender his ammunition and artillery stores. St. Ange 
claimed he had positive orders to surrender only the fort and a few 
pieces of artillery. Parkman, Conspiracy of Poniiac, II, 314, says 
Sterling arrived at Fort de Chartres in the early part of winter, and 
Nicollet, in his sketch of St. Louis, states that the fort was reached in 
mid-summer. From the references already quoted, however, there can 
be no doubt as to the exact date. 



CHAPTER IV. 
Five Years of Disorder, 1765-1770. 

What actual events took place in the Illinois country 
after the English occupation has long been problematical. 
Previous writers, almost without exception, have dismissed 
with a sentence the first two or three years of the period. 
Indeed, the whole thirteen years of British administration 
have generally been crowded into two or three paragraphs. 
Although the available historical material relating to the 
field in general has been considerably augmented, gaps yet 
remain which must be bridged before a complete history of 
the colony under the British can be written. 

The first duty of the British commandant after taking 
formal possession of Fort de Chartres in October, 1765, 
was to announce to the inhabitants the contents of Gage's 
proclamation, defining the status of the individual inhabi- 
tants of Illinois. One of the leading features of this docu- 
ment was a clause granting to the French the right of the 
free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion " in the same 
manner as in Canada",^ which was the fulfilment on the 
part of the British government of the pledge given in the 
fourth article of the treaty of Paris, which contained the 
following clause : '* His Brittanic Majesty agrees to grant 
the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of 
Canada ; he will consequently give the most precise and 

^ Am. State Papers^ Pub. Landsy II, 209; Dillon. Hht. of Indiana, 
I, 93-94. 

46 



YEARS OF DISORDER 47 

effectual orders, that his new Roman Cathoh'c subjects may 
profess the worship of their religion, according to the rites 
of the Roman Catholic Church, as far as the laws of Great 
Britain permit." This provision appertained to the whole 
western territory as well as to Canada proper. Prior to the 
treaty of cession the Illinois and Wabash settlements were 
subject to the jurisdiction of Louisiana, and approximately 
the country north of the fortieth parallel had been within 
the limits of Canada. But in the treaty all the territory 
lying between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi River was 
described as a dependency of Canada. The government 
was thus committed to religious toleration within the whole 
extent of the ceded territory. This meant, however, that 
only the religious privileges of the church had been secured, 
for the clause in the treaty, '* as far as the laws of Great 
Britain permit ",' meant that the authority of France would 
not be tolerated within the British empire. 

Other clauses provided that all the inhabitants of Illinois 
who had been subjects of the King of France, might if they 
desired, sell their estates and retire with their effects to 
Louisiana. No restraint would be placed on their emigra- 
tion, except for debt or on account of criminal processes. ^ 
This was also a fulfilment of the pledges made in the treaty 
of Paris. * All the inhabitants who desired to retain their 
estates and become subjects of Great Britain were guaran- 
teed security for their persons and effects, and liberty of 
trade upon taking the oath of allegiance and fidelity to the 
crown. ^ 

When Captain Sterling proceeded to Kaskaskia to post 



* Can. Const. Docs., 1739- lygi^ 75* 

^ Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, II, 209. 

* Can. Const. Docs. , lysg-ijgi, 75. 
^Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, II, 209. 



48 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

the proclamation and to administer the oath of allegiance 
as authorized by the commanding general, he was confronted 
by an unexpected movement on the part of the inhabitants. 
A petition was presented, signed by representative French- 
men of the village, asking for a respite of nine months in 
order that they might settle their affairs and decide whether 
they wished to remain under the British government or 
withdraw from the country. ^ According to treaty stipula- 
tions the inhabitants of the ceded territory had been given 
eighteen months in which to retire , the time to be computed 
from the date of the exchange of ratifications. '^ The limit 
thus defined had long since expired, and it was therefore 
beyond the legal competence of Sterling or of his superior, 
General Gage, to grant an extension of time. Sterling, in- 
deed, refused at first to grant the request,^ but when he 
perceived that unless some concessions were made the vil- 
lage would be immediately depopulated, he extended the 
time to the first of March, 1766,^ with the stipulations that 



« Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. " Nous avons eu I'honneur de faire, k cette Occasion, nos justes 
Representations a Mr. Sterling, et lui avons demande un Delai de neuf 
Mois, pour attendre que les Commer^ans Anglais etant arrives, et la 
Confiance retablie avec le Commerce, ceux d'entre nous qui voudront 
quitter puissent tirer parti de leurs Biens foods et Maisons." Petition 
of the inhabitants to Gage, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. 

'^ Caft. Const. Docs., lyjg-iygi, 86. 

8 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. 

^ Ibid. " Comme il n'a pas cru pouvoir prendre sur lui d'accorder 
que jusqu'au Mois de Mars prochain, il nous a promis d'appuyer 
aupres de Votre Excellence, la justice de notre Cause, ainsi que I'lm- 
possibilite de rien vendre dans le Moment present. L'entiere Con- 
fiance que nous avons en Sa Parole, nous borne a remettre seulement 
sous vos yeux, que personne n'a pu prendre des arrangements anterieurs 
^ I'arrivee des Troupes Anglaises dans ce Pais, que nous 6tions tous les 
jours prets I'abandonner, par les Violences des Sauvages enhardis par 
notre petit nombre." Petition of inhabitants, ibid. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 49 

a temporary oath of allegiance be taken, ^° and that all de- 
siring to leave the country should give in their names in 
advance. " To this tentative proposal the French in Kas- 
kaskia agreed on condition that Sterling forward to the 
commanding general a petition in which they asked for a 
further extension. ^^ An officer was then despatched to the 
villages of Prairie du Rocher, St. Philippe, and Cahokia, 
where similar arrangements were made. ^^ 

The machinery of government in operation under the 
French had become so unsettled during the French and 
Indian war that when the English troops entered the country 
affairs were in a chaotic state. The commandant of the 
English troops had of course no commission to govern the 
inhabitants, but he found himself confronted with condi- 
tions which made immediate action imperative. Practically 
the only civil officials Sterling found on the English side of 
the river were Joseph Lefebvre, who acted as judge , attorney- 
general, and guardian of the royal warehouse, and Joseph 
Labuxiere, who was clerk and notary public. '^^ These men, 
however, retired to St. Louis with St. Ange and the French 
soldiers shortly after the arrival of the English. ^^ This 
brought the whole governmental machinery to a standstill, 

fosterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. 

^^ Ibid.', Farmer to Gage, December 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist. 
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX. 

^2 P. R. O., Am, and W, I., vol. 122. The petition is signed by 
such prominent Frenchmen as La Grange, who acted as civil judge 
under the British, Rocheblave, who became the last British command- 
ant in Illinois, Blouin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advo- 
cate of a civil government, J. B. Beauvais, Charleville, and others. 
Gage granted the request without waiting for an answer from London, 
thus indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, January 
16, 1766, ibid. 

^'Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, ibid. 

^* Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, ibid. ^^ Ibid. 



50 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and the English commander was forced to act. He de- 
termined to appoint a judge and after consulting the princi- 
pal inhabitants of the villages, selected La Grange, who 
was intrusted " to decide all disputes according to the Law 
and Customs of the Country ' ' , with liberty of appeal to the 
commandant in case the litigants were dissatisfied with his 
decision. '^ The captains of militia seem to have retained 
their positions under the British, their duties being practi- 
cally the same as in the French regime. Each village or 
parish had its captain who saw to the enforcement of decrees 
and other civil matters as well as to the organization of the 
local militia. '" The office of royal comm.issary was also 
continued and James Rumsey, a former officer in the Eng- 
lish army, was appointed to this position. ^^ But who was 
to continue the duties of the old French commandant with 
both his civil and military functions? Obviously the most 
logical person was the commanding officer of the English 
troops stationed at the fort, with the difference that the 
French official held a special commission for the perform- 
ance of these duties, and the English commandant had no 
such authorization. A further and more fundamental differ- 
ence lay in the fact that formerly the French had the right 
to appeal to the Superior Council at New Orleans, ^^ while 
apparently no such corresponding safeguard was given them 
by the new arrangement. 

Sterling did not long retain command of the post ^" for on 

^^ Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, ibid. 

"Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., 
vol. 122; Cahokia Records (Belleville, 111.), British period. 

18 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 122. i^See above, ch. I, p. 11. 

20Monette, Hisl. of Miss. Valley (1846), I, 411, says that " Capt. 
Stirling died in December; St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, and 
not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt, arrived as command- 
ant," The statement is wholly incorrect. Sterling later served in the 



YEAJiS OF DISORDER 

December 2, he was superseded by Major Robert Farmer - 
his super>or in rai>k, who arrived from Mobile with a de- 
tachment of the Thirty-fourth Regiment, after an eight 
months voyage. -^ Their arrival was exceedingly welcome 
to Sterlmg and his men, who were becoming greatly em 
barrassed for lack of provisions, ammunition, 'and prLn" 
or the Indians '3 When they left Fort Pitt in Augu^ 
had not been deemed necessary to take more than si^ty 
pounds of ammunition, inasmuch as Fort de Chartres was 
expected to yield a sufficient supply, and both Gage and 
Sterlmg believed that Croghan, with his cargo of supplies, 

Coghan ,0 ,he Ill,„: s count^re r /in f/fi-" H ° """'''' ^"^e 
in Illinois at any lime nor i. hL! ,^ r Z '' "" "'""' commanded 
the lasl French ^l^andant at Fo«riefh'f ""'"=^ ""'* «'• ^"S^- 
tradition of Sterlin<.'s dea'h a, / o f^^^'"'"''^.' «"" «'n'ned. This 

perpelnaled by Reynolds rLX^l^^^vr^'f^/""; °.' ^l"'" ''^^ ''«" 
ard. Hist, of III ilSS^i ,/■ km , /^ ■ ''^5^'' 55; Blanch- 

36; D„nn,-i^>?-.yS,i5, Mien, ^„„„. ./*./.«.> ,,886), I, 

states that " both Peel l„d Bmln ? ' '79. after repealing the story, 
name as Farmer irshould d "™"^°"^ly S'^e this commandant's 
the place from For. Pt" 'for! sTel^hoVsie,"'" '"' ^''^^""^ '° 
Col. Docs., VII, 786, or Diet Nat stg "^'"^' """" ""' ^- ^■ 
"For sketch of Farmer's life see A' F. C./. Docs., VII, 8,6 
'Farmer to Gage, December i6 and iq 176c R T P /„• 

(Hist Soc. Pa'/'vol XX- r.rn' ,^Tl! "'' '766, b/t. pfpers 
Parkman CoH^^on. ac-MsceU Tvef iI'^S^.^f""' '^".? '^' '^^'^ 
•', .765, P. R. O., Home Offi e^P p r?**' iTx" ° ^^2'^' ?'-<:'> 
letter last cited Farmer blames r„v„;„'^ t' J ' "°- 'f'- I" 'he 

the long delay in'™"n^ f^.he TM J°''">^'""« °f West Florida for 

ply of p%ovisiLs he ardeS 'n ap^rsXTrrm ''b '.'^ !""' up- 
start early in the spring of 176^ and he 111 .u ,''f ^'''""'''^ '° 
tioned his right to take nrovisio^^ ( he alleges that Johnstone ques- 
the officers fnd mfn taHnlnal T "'\'!°''^' and insisted upon all 
ways delayed theTpan're^forsr^ral :«',""""* ^"^ '" "^"'''"'- 

Papers, vol. 97. '' ^^"3j J^. K. U., Chatham 



52 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

would be awaiting the arrival of the troops at the fort. '** 
Neither expectation, however, was realized. Croghan was 
back in the colonies prior to Sterling's arrival at the post, 
and when the fort was transferred it yielded neither am- 
munition nor any other supplies in sufficient quantity to 
meet the needs of the troops. ^^ 

An assembly of three or four thousand Indians had been 
accustomed to gather at the fort each spring to receive an- 
nual gifts from the French. But the English had made no 
provision for such a contingency, which, coupled with the 
weakness of the garrison and the recent hostility of the 
Indians, would probably lead to serious complications. A 
probable defection of the Indians therefore necessitated a 
large supply of military stores "^^ which it was possible to ob- 
tain only from the French merchants in the villages. The 
latter agreed to furnish the soldiers with ammunition on 
condition that they would also purchase other provisions, ^^ 
for which, the English allege , they were charged an exorbi- 
tant price. ^^ Sterling was compelled to acquiesce, for the 
merchants had sent their goods across the river where he 
could not get at them. ^'^ 

2* Sterling to Gage, October i8, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122; letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, 
vol. 97. Nevertheless in the Audit Office records are two entries 
wherein 293 pounds sterling is allowed Sterling for presents to the In- 
dians in the Illinois country. P. R. O. , Declared Accounts, Audit 
Office, bundle 163, roll 446. 

2^LeUer of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, 
vol. 97. 

^^Ibid.\ Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765. P. R. O., Am. and 
W. I., vol. 122. '^Ubid. "^^Ibid. 

23SterHng to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. The P'rench afterwards declared that their reluctance to sell pro- 
visions to the English was occasioned by the pay they received, which 
was in bills on London or New York. These they were obliged to sell 
to the merchants of New Orleans from whom they purchased their 
goods, at a loss of fifty and sixty per cent. They were also averse to any 



YEARS OF DISORDER 53 

The large supply of provisions which the colony had pro- 
duced in former years seems to have decreased ; at any rate 
it fell far short of the expectations of the English officers. 
One officer writes at this time that " they have but little 
here, and are doing us a vast favor when they let us have a 
Gallon of French Brandy at twenty Shillings Sterling and as 
the price is not as yet regulated the Eatables is in the same 
proportions."^" The wealth of the colony had been con- 
siderably impaired since the occupation on account of the 
exodus of a large number of families who disobeyed the 
order of Sterling that all who desired to withdraw should 
give in their names in advance. Taking their cattle, grain, 
and effects across the ferries at Cahokia and Kaskaskia, 
they found homes at St. Louis and St. Genevieve on the 
Spanish side. ^^ Probably a larger part of the emigrants left 
in the hope that in Louisiana they might still enjoy their 
ancient laws and privileges,^'-* and others from fear lest the 
Indians, who were now assuming a threatening attitude, 
might destroy their crops and homes. ^^ 

kind of paper currency, owing to its bad 'management by the French 
government of Louisiana prior to 1763. Croghanto Gage, January 12, 
1767, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIV, no. 12. For an account of the paper 
money issued during the French regime, see Piltman, Present State of 
the European Stttlemejits on the Miss.., ed. Hodder, 47-48. 

20 Letter of Eidington, October 17, 1765, P. R. O. , Chatham Papers, 
vol. 97. 

5' Sterling to Gage, December 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 122. 

^^Fraser to Gage, December 16, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), 
vol. XX; Farmer to Gage, December 19, 1765, ibid. Fraser alleged 
that St. Ange, who acted as commandant at St. Louis after his retire- 
ment from P'ort de Chartres, instigated many of the French to cross 
over, and that other residents of the Spanish side endeavored to 
frighten the inhabitants of Illinois by representing Major Farmer as a 
rascal who would deprive them of their former privileges. See also 
Eraser's "Report of an Exploratory Survey", May 4, 1766, Can. 
Arch., series B, vol. 26, p. 24. 

23 Memorial of the inhabitants to Gage, October, 1765, P. R. O., 



54 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

The serious situation of the garrison continued through 
the winter and spring of 1765 and 1766.^^ Farmer esti- 
mated that all the provisions available (barely enough to last 
the garrison until July), ^^ amounted to no more than 50,- 
000 pounds of flour and 1,250 pounds of cornmeal, a portion 
of which would have to be given to the Indians since repre- 
sentatives of that department had not yet appeared. These 
circumstances obliged Major Farmer to send Sterling and 
his troops to New York by way of the Mississippi River and 
New Orleans. ''^ In response to a series of urgent requests 
for assistance, Gage employed a force of Indians to trans- 
port a cargo to Fort de Chartres , °'^ which reached there 

Am. and W. I., vol. 122; Fraser to Gage, December 16, 1765, B. T. 
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XX. The movement across the river 
was considerable during the early j^ears of the occupation. In the 
summer of 1765 there were approximately 2, coo whites on the English 
side. Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. Three years later in 1768 the approximate number was 1,000, 
" State of the Settlements in the Illinois Country", P. R. O. , Am. and 
W. I., vol. 125. 

^* Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B, T. Papers (Hist. 
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX; same to Barrington, Marcli 19, 1 766, P. R. O. , 
Am. and W. I., vol. 122. 

'^^ Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B. T. Papers (Hist. 
Soc. Pa, ), vol. XX. Farmer had just received word that Colonel Reed 
was on his way from Mobile to the Illinois country with about fifty men 
and just enough provisions for the journey. Reed was expecting to 
receive further supplies at Fort de Chartres, ibid. 

^'^ Farmer to Gage, December 16 and 19, 1765, B, T. Papers (Plist. 
Soc. Pa.), vol. XX; Gage to Johnson, June 2, 1766, Gage's Letters 
(Harvard College Library). This was contrary to Gage's orders, ibid. 

^■^Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. " Soon after the Regiment's arrival at Illinois, with the concur- 
rence of the Captains present there was small notes Issued out, I believe 
to the amount of two months' Subsistance in order to provide the men 
with small Articles and Necessarys, the Paymaster gave the Merchants 
and others that brought in these Circulating Notes, bills on the Agent 
in London for the amount of them. And this is all the subsistance the 
Regiment received during the time I was with them at Illinois." Far- 
mer to Haldimand, July 29, 1768, B. M., Add. MSS., 21, 677, fol. 
103. Among the Kaskaskia Records is a proclamation issued by Far- 
mer to the French assurring them that these notes would be redeemed. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 55 

early in the summer of 1766, by which time also represen- 
tatives of the English merchants at Philadelphia had arrived 
with large stores of supplies. ^^ Henceforth we hear nothing 
of a shortage of provisions in Illinois, for not only did the 
English merchants import supplies from the East, but car- 
goes were brought up the river from New Orleans by the 
French,'^'' and for a time the English government itself 
transported the necessary provisions from Fort Pitt.^ 

Late in the summer of 1766 Farmer was superseded by 
Lieutenant- Colonel John Reed who came from Mobile with 
another detachment of the Thirty-fourth Regiment. *^ By 
this time a growing discontent among the Indians was 
manifesting itself, and became one of the most important 
problems confronting the new commandant of Fort de 
Chartres. Although the majority of the western tribes had 
professed their allegiance to Great Britain prior to the occu- 
pation of Illinois, there were still large numbers who con- 
sidered themselves as allies of the king of France. More- 
over, agents of the French merchants were roaming at will 
among the various tribes , spreading stories of English greed 
and duplicity *^ in order to retain control of the lucrative fur 
trade. ^^ With false promises of succor from France in case the 

^^Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and W. I, , vol. 
122; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Gage, August 10, 1766, John- 
son MSS. , vol. XIII, no. 30. 

^^See below, ch. V. 

^°Gage to Shelburne, August 24, 1767, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 123. 

*^ I have been unable to determine the exact date of the change. 
The first document appearing with Reed's signature as commandant is 
dated September 8, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 104. Major Far- 
mer appears to have expected the arrival of his successor in July or 
August. Farmer to Barrington, March 19, 1766, P. R. O. , Am, and 
W. I., vol. 122. 

*^ Johnson to Shelburne, December 16, 1766, N. Y. Col. Docs.^^Wl, 
882-883. *^Ibid. 



56 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Indians chose to rebel/* the French emissaries were rapidly 
laying the foundation for another outbreak like that of i 763. 
It was therefore imperative to adopt some immediate and 
effective measure for the conciliation of the western tribes. 
One of the evidences of English neglect to which these 
agents referred was the apparent absence of any arrangements 
for regulating and developing the fur trade and for providing 
presents and other concrete proofs of the goodwill of the 
English nation. We find Captain Sterling himself complain- 
ing of the " disagreeable situation" he was in, '* without 
an Agent or Interpreter for the Indians, or Merchandize 
for presents to them which they all expect." *^ The English 
government had indeed been very slow in formulating and 
executing any definite program for Indian management. 
In 1764, shortly after the announcement of the proclama- 
tion of 1763, guaranteeing the Indians in the possession of 
their lands. Lord Hillsborough and the Board of Trade 
draughted a plan providing for the government of the 
Indian reservation and the regulation of the trade. "^ Among 
other things it was provided that in the future Indian affairs 
would be directed by two superintendents, one in the north- 
ern and one in the southern district. In the former, which 
included the territory north of the Ohio River, an interpre- 
ter, a gunsmith, and a commissary, who was to represent 
the government in all political transactions with the Indians 
and to look after the enforcement of the trade regulations 
defined in the plan, were to reside at each Indian post, 

** Johnson to Lords of Trade, March 22, 1766, ibid., 817; Johnson 
to Shelburne, December 16, 1766, z<^zV/., 882-883; Johnson to Lords 
of Trade, January 15, 1767, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth Report, 
Royal Hist. MSS. Cojum., Appendix X. 

*5 Sterling to Gage, October 18, 1765, P. R. O., Am. and W. L, 
vol. 122. 

^^Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 242-246. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 57 

under the immediate direction of the general superintendent 
and his deputies. The military officials were expected to 
give advice and assistance but they could take no independ- 
ent action except in cases of emergency or where the nego- 
tiations were purely military. 

This plan of the Board of Trade, however, was proposed 
at an unfortunate time. The Stamp Act, which had been 
recently passed with the view of raising money for imperial 
purposes, met with such vigorous opposition on the part of 
the colonies, that Parliament hesitated to take foimal action 
on a measure entailing considerable additional expense. 
Although no definite Parliamentary action was ever taken 
on the plan, the Board of Trade directed the Indian super- 
intendents to put into execution such parts of it as they 
found practicable. ^'^ For some reason, however, Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson, who had directed Indian affairs in America 
since 1756 and who had been appointed superintendent for 
the northern department, delayed for more than a year the 
appointment of the Indian officers indicated in the plan. *^ 
When finally on April 17, 1766, he appointed Edward Cole 
to be commissary of Indian affairs in the lUinois country,*^ 

*^ " Representation of the Lords of Trade on Indian Affairs, March 
17, 1768", A'". Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 24. See also Johnson to Lords 
of Trade, March 22, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. loi, and 
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 817. For further notice of the plan see below, 
ch. V. 

*^ In this Johnson apparently acted on the advice of Gage. See 
Gage to Johnson, February 2, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 
1 765-1 778. It is probable that they wanted to make sure that such 
appointments could be supported. 

*^Cole to Johnson, June 23, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 218. 
See also the deed for a house purchased at Fort de Chartres by the 
government through Cole as commissarj', which was sworn to by com- 
mandant Reed. Johnson MSS., XIII, no. 104. Almost all previous 
writers on western history have given currency to the idea that Edward 
Cole was the military commandant at Fort de Chartres from 1766 to 
1768 and that he was followed by Colonel Reed who governed but a 



58 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

it was found necessary to send an additional representative 
of the Indian department to Fort de Chartres to perfect, if 
possible, a general pacification of the western Indians. 

Early in February General Gage and Sir William Johnson 
arranged with George Croghan to undertake a second mis- 
sion in the West. '"^ Croghan was probably the best-fitted 
man in the colonies for such an undertaking. He had been 
one of the most successful traders in the W^est and knew 
personally the chiefs of most of the western tribes. His 
familiarity with the languages and customs of the various 
nations gave him a prestige which perhaps few English offi- 
cials , except Sir William Johnson, could command. Equip- 
ped with Indian presents to the value of over three thous- 
and pounds ^' and with instructions as to their distribution 
and the general purpose of the mission, ^'^ Croghan set out 

few months. This is an error, which has been repeated by the follow- 
ing writers: Moses, ///., Hist, and Staiis., I, 137; Moses, "Court of 
Enquiry at Ft. Chartres", in Chicago Hist: Soc. Colls., IV, 292; 
Mason, Chapters froi7i III. Hist., 278; Parrish, Historic III., 184; 
Wallace, ///. and La. under French Rule, 395; Dunn, Hist, of In- 
diana, 76. 

^''Croghan to Johnson, February 14, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, 
no. 42; Johnson to Croghan, February 21, 1766, ibid., no. 60. 

^^Gage to Johnson, April 7, 1766, Gage's Letters. 

■''^Instructions to George Croghan, April 16, 1766, Parkman Coll., 
Pontiac-Miscell., 1765-1778. The instructions to Croghan are signed 
by General Gage. "While, generally speaking. Sir William Johnson 
was the chief authority in Indian affairs, there seems to have been no 
very clear line of division between the Indian and military departments. 
While on the one hand all the correspondence with the subordinate 
Indian officials and with the home government was carried on by Sir 
William Johnson, as an examination of the New York Colonial Docu- 
ments and the Johnson MSS. will indicate, on the other hand all the 
receipts for Indian expenditures had to pass through Gage's hands and 
receive his approval before becoming valid. On one occasion he re- 
fused to sign the bills drawn by Commissary Cole. See Cole to Croghan, 
December 19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XV, no. 183; Gage to Hills- 
borough, March 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. For 
further evidence of this confusion see Johnson to Shelburne, April i, 
1767, N. y. Col. Docs., VII, 914. ^ 



YEARS OF DISORDER 



59 



for Fort de Chartres late in April, 1766,^^ arriving there 
August 20th. ^* The newly appointed commissary, Edward 
Cole, arrived from Detroit about the same time. ^^ 

Croghan found several nations of Indians collected at 
Kaskaskia, and after consulting with Commandant Reed, 
issued a call for a general meeting to be held on August 
25th. The chiefs and principal warriors of eight nations, 
comprising some twenty-two tribes, obeyed the summons. 
Deputies from the Six Nations and the Delaware and 
Shawnee tribes had accompanied Croghan from Fort Pitt,^^ 
so that the congress became one of considerable import- 
ance. Although the presence of so many tribes made the 
negotiations difficult to carry on, Croghan was able in a few 
days to finish the business to the satisfaction of nearly every 
one present. A general peace and alliance was declared 
between the English and all the western and northern 
Indians " except those tribes with whom the French had 
sufficient influence to keep them from the conference. ^^ 

^3 Gage to Johnson, April 13, 1766, Gage's Letters. He probably left 
New York at that time. He left Fort Pitt June 18, accompanied by 
the merchant, George Morgan, and Ijy Lieutenant Hutchins and Captain 
Gordon of the army, Morgan to his wife, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in 
possession of Mrs. E. S. Thacher, Nordhoff, Gal. 

^* Croghan to Johnson, September 10. 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XIII, no. 80. 

^^Cole to Johnson, June 23, 1766, ibid.^ vol. XH, no. 218. 

^^ Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, ibid.^ vol. XIII, no. 80; 
Morgan to his wife, June 29, 1766, MS. letter in possession of Maria 
P. Woodbridge, Marietta, Ohio. Morgan's letters contain a good 
description of a portion of this journey down the Ohio. 

^'Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XIII, no. 80; Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, B. T. Papers 
(Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; Johnson to Shelburne, January 15, 
1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 892; Johnson to Lords of Trade, Fifth 
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Comm,, p. 319; Croghan to Gage, January 
16, 1767, ibid. 

^^ Croghan to Johnson, September 10, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. 
XIII, no. 80. 



6o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Nevertheless the chiefs who had attended the congress soon 
persuaded these tribes to enter the peace and on September 
5th they came to Fort de Chartres and publicly announced 
their friendship for the English. ^^ 

Reed remained in command of Fort de Chartres until 
1766. According to the meagre information we have for 
these years the relation between commandant and people, 
both French and English, was very unhappy. If we may 
trust our inf ormants , ^° Reed's rule was characterized by 
numerous petty tyrannies. By imposing a high fee for ad- 
ministering the oath of allegiance ^' and for the issuance of 
marriage licenses , ^^ and by inflicting exorbitant fines and 
even imprisonment for trivial offences, ^^ the commandant 
won the ill-will of nearly every resident in the country. ^^ 
This constant interference with the inhabitants led to a 
movement early in 1768 for the establishment of a civil 

59 Ibid. 

''"The chief source of information is a letter book kept by George 
Morgan, a prominent merchant in IlHnois during the British occupation. 
A copy of this letter book is in the Illinois State Historical Library. 
It is my opinion, however, that some of his statements should be dis- 
counted somewhat. In July, 1768, Morgan established a store at Vin- 
cennes on the Wabash River, and in a letter of instructions to his agent, 
Alexander Williamson, occurs the following passage: " If you write to 
any of your friends do not let them know but that the trade is excessive 
Bad at the Post, lest some of the Traders there shou'd be induced to 
interfere with you . . ." Morgan doubtless followed this method 
himself. It is possible that his many statements regarding the tyranny 
of the military government w^ere written for the purpose of deterring 
other merchants from entering the field. There was some ground, 
however, for his strictures, since there are some references to the com- 
mandant's conduct in the correspondence of the parish priest. 

^^ Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's 
MS. letter book. 

*2 Father Meurin to Bishop Briand, June 11, 1768, Jesuit Relations^ 
ed. Thwaites, LXXI, 43. The charge was six piasters. 

''^ Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's 
MS. letter book. Morgan himself was thrown into prison for a time. 

^*'Ibia. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 6i 

government/^ but the matter was not pushed at the time, 
for in February Colonel Reed was recalled ^^ and the post was 
left temporarily in charge of Captain Forbes, a subordinate 
officer. 

But the friction between the military commandant and 
the French inhabitants, although somewhat minimized, did 
not entirely disappear during the short rule of Captain 
Forbes. This was illustrated by their attitude on the oc- 
casion of another threatened outbreak of the Indians in the 
spring and summer of 1768. Although the peace of 1766 
had been kept in good faith by the few tribes of Illinois 
Indians who resided in the immediate vicinity of the post,*^ 
those nations dwelling in the surrounding country began to 
grow restless in the course of the following year. The 
French and Spanish traders from Louisiana continued to 
circulate war belts and messages among the Indians ^® which 
effectively alienated them from their new masters. More- 
over, the character and method of the British traders, whose 
lawlessness was frequently condemned by contemporary 
English observers,''" likewise contributed to turn the savages 
to their old friends and allies. Not only were the Indians 
along the Wabash and Mississippi rivers affected, but the 

«5 Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, February, 1768. "They have 
appointed Mr. Rumsey and myself to forward this Petition to Governor 
Franklin to inclose and recommend it to the Board of Trade." Ibid. 

66 Gage to Hillsborough, June 18, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I,, 
vol. 124. 

6^ Cole to Johnson, July 3, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XV, no. 2; 
Morgan's MS. letter book, passim. 

68 Johnson to Gage, January 15, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, 
no. 15; Johnson to Shelburne, October, 1767, N. V. Col. I>ocs.,VU, 
986; Johnson to Lords of Trade, October 20, 1767, ibid., 987. 

6^ See for example, Johnson to Lords of Trade, October 20, 1767, 
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 987, and Gage to Johnson, Januarj^ 25, 1767, 
Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 28. 



62 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1762-1774 

disaffection extended to the powerful Delaware and Shawnee 
tribes of the upper Ohio River. "^^ 

It was in preparing to meet a probable attack upon the 
fort that Commandant Forbes, in April, 1768, ordered all 
the Englishmen, to the number of fifty or sixty, to organize 
themselves into a militia, "^ and likewise requested the French 
to form themselves into companies. ^'■^ To this demand the 
French at first refused to accede. They took the ground 
that from the nature of the oath of allegiance they had 
taken, they were not obliged to take up arms which would 
only give offence to the Indians with whom they had no 
quarrel.*^' They were, therefore, determined to remain 
neutral, ^* and when Forbes insisted upon obedience they 
threatened to go over to the Spanish side of the river. But 
as soon as the French found that the commandant was not 
to be influenced by threats they consented to be enrolled. ^^ 

■^"Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 5, 1768, Morgan's MS. 
letter book; Gage to Shelburne, March 12, 1768, Dartmouth Papers, 
Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Co7nm., Appendix X, p. 61. 

''^Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 5. 1768, Morgan's MS. 
letter book. 

^2 Gage to Hillsborough, August 17, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 124; same to same, January 6, 1769, Dartmouth Papers, 
Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Cofuin., Appendix X, p. 66; 
Gage to Hillsborough, March 5, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
125. 

'^Gage to Hillsborough, August 17, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 124, "'^ Ibid. 

'^^ Ibid. The following passage from a letter of Lord Hillsborough to 
Gage throws some light on the former's attitude towards the French 
inhabitants: " I must presume that Cap^ Forbes had both good reason 
and proper authority, tho' they do not appear from your Letter, for 
forming the Inhabitants of the Illinois into a regular militia; but I must 
wait for further information before I can with precision form any judge- 
ment or opinion upon a measure, which I confess seems in the general 
view of it, considering the temper and disposition of the people with 
regard to whom it was to take place, at least of doubtful policy, if not 
of dangerous tendency." October 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 124. See answer of Gage to Hillsborough, March 5, 1769, P. R. 
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125. Two years later, during a war between 



YEARS OF DISORDER 63 

Forbes's preparations were well timed, for on May 5, 
1 768, word reached him that war parties from the Chippewa, 
Ottawa, Pottawottomi, and Kickapoo tribes were preparing 
for an attack upon the fort. ^^ The defence was immediately 
organized, and night and day watches were set. A close 
guard was kept during the following week, but the projected 
attack was never made. ^'^ A day or two before news of the 
contemplated attack came, a band of Pottawottomies had 
captured a soldier and his wife near Chartres village. 
Shortly afterward a party of ten Indians belonging to the 
same nation entered the village and requested from Com- 
missary Cole shelter and provisions for the night. The 
party was given lodging in the Indian house, but Captain 
Forbes resolved to retain them as prisoners and therefore 
summoned them to the fort for a conference. The Indians, 
however, frightened at the sight of the soldiers under arms, 
jumped from the windows and fled. ^^ It is probable that the 
knowledge thus gained of the defensive preparations at the 
fort induced the Indians to give up the assault. Although 
for a time numerous bands of belligerent savages were fre- 
quently seen in the neighborhood of the villages, "'^no further 
attempt was made against the English garrison. ®° 

the Missouri and Illinois Indians, the French again objected to being 
called into service. " Lieut. Col. Wilkins complains greatly of the 
behavior of the French, who could not be persuaded to speak to the 
Invaders, tho' the domestic Indians declared any Frenchman might go 
in safety. He says in those disagreeable circumstances, he summoned 
the militia, encouraged and threatened, but met with little better than 
an absolute refusal, and he was shortly after informed, and for a cer- 
tainty that one of them declared the Inhabitants would rebel." Gage 
to Hillsborough, January 6, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126. 

''^ Jenning's Journal (MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa, Library), May 5, 1768. 

''''Ibid., May 10, 1768. 

'^Jenning's Journal, May 6, 1768. 

''' Ibid. , passim. 

^°Acts of hostility were frequent during the summ.er of 1768, espe- 



64 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

The unhappy relation existing between commandant and 
people during the administrations of Reed and Forbes con- 
tinued under Willkins, who took command September 5 
1768.^^ There were , moreover, numerous disagreements be- 
tween the English residents and the French , and among the 
French themselves there was almost continual strife. ®^ Nat- 
urally a litigious people, the French were thrown into dis- 
order when the judicial system to which they had been ac- 
customed since the foundation of the colony was transferred 
to the Spanish side. It is true that the first English com- 
mandant had ordered the establishment of a civil court, 
with the right of appeal to the commandant, but we have 
no record of any activity on the part of such a court. 

daily along the Ohio River. Early in July a hunting party of ten or 
twelve men sent from Fort de Chartres by Baynton, Wharton and 
Morgan was attacked near the mouth of the Wabash River and all but 
one were killed. A little later a party of whites from Virginia was fired 
upon in the same region and only one man escaped. Similar outrages 
occurred in other localities about the same time. Morgan to Baynton 
and Wharton, July 20, 1768, Morgan's MS. letter book; Forbes to 
Gage, July 28, "1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XVI, no. 117; Wilkins to 
Gage, August 15, 1768, ibid.^ no. 140; Gage to Johnson, October 10, 
1768, Gage's Letters; Gage to Hillsborough, October 14, 1768, P. R. 
O., Am. and W'. I., vol. 124; same to same, November 8, 1768, ibid. 
These isolated instances appear insignificant, but judging from the offi- 
cial correspondence of the time, their importance can scarcely be over- 
estimated by the student of the American Revolution. There was a 
constant apprehension on the part of the officials that another Indian 
rebellion would break out. It was well known that the French and 
Spanish were doing all in their power to bring about such an event. 
Note the apprehension at this time of Gage, Johnson, and Hillsborough, 
in Gage to Shelburne, March 12, 1768, Dartmouth Papers, Fourteenth 
Report^ Royal Hist. MSS. Comm., Appendix X, p. 61 ; Hillsborough to 
Gage, October 12, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124; Johnson 
to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 105-106. 

^* Moses, " Court of Enquiry", in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 292. 
He brought several companies of the Eighteenth or Royal Regiment of 
Ireland from Philadelphia, leaving there in June, Gage to Hillsbor- 
ough, June 18, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. 

^2 Ensign Butricke to Geo. Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Ma^^a- 
zine,V\\\, 262: Moses, *' Court of Enquiry", in Chicago Hist. Soc. 
Colls., IV, 292-293. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 65 

There is some evidence, however, that in the various villages 
there were certain local courts ^ and resort was frequently 
had to courts of arbitration. ^* The fact nevertheless remains 
that there was no settled judicial power in Illinois, with the 
result that the peace of the villages was disturbed by the 
constant bickerings of the inhabitants, both French and 
English. ^^ 

In an effort to correct this evil Commandant Wilkins is- 
sued a proclamation on November 12, 1768, declaring his 
resolution to establish a court of judicature for the settle- 
ment of all civil disputes. ^^ Commissions of the peace were 
granted to six of the more prominent inhabitants, both 
French and English, who were authorized '* to form a Civil 
Court of Judicatory, with powers expressed in their Com- 
missions to Hear and Try in a Summary way all Causes of 
Debt and Property that should be brought before them and 

^^"Antoine Cecirre, Captain, judge and commandant accompanied 
by the notary and sergeant, etc." Cahokia Records, British Period. 
In another document the same person is called " juge et Commandant 
du village des Cahokias", ibid. He is also called "Captain of militia 
and commandant", ibid. James Rumsey signed himself in 1768 as 
"Judge Advocate of the Province of Illinois". His duties, however, 
were confined to administering the oath of allegiance and examining 
land titles. He was purely an assistant to Commandant Wilkins. See 
///. Hist. Colls., I, 315-316. 

^*For example, in Cahokia there was a case of arbitration in regard 
to the estate of a deceased Jacques Compte. Cahokia Records, British 
Period. 

^^ See account of an address of the French to Commandant Wilkins 
in letter of George Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, October 29, 
1768, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library. 

^^MS. Court Record (Chester, 111.), p. 23; Ensign Butricke to Barns- 
ley, February 12, i'j6g, Hist. Afagazine,W\\\, 262', Edmund Flagg, The 
Far West, reprinted in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, XXVII. 
Flagg's narrative was written in 1836. In a note (p. 79) he quotes several 
paragraphs from the court record, including merely the account of the 
preliminary proceedings of the court. He says, by way of explanation, 
that "it purports to be transcribed from the state records, and first 
appeared in a western newspaper." 



66 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

to give their Judgement thereon according to the Laws of 
England to the Best of their Judgement and understand- 
ing." ®^ We may fairly ask at this point, by what authority 
the military commandant could authorize a court to give 
'^ Judgement according to the laws of England". Atten- 
tion has been called in another chapter to the fact that until 
the laws of Great Britain were definitely extended to this 
territory the French could be judged only by their own 
laws. ^^ It has likewise been pointed out that no act of 
king or Parliament had ever extended English law to the 
West. It was therefore beyond the legal competence of 
Commandant Wilkins or of the commander-in-chief of the 
army to make such alteration. 

Turning to another point of view, did Wilkins create the 
court on his own responsibility ? Historians have generally 
taken the view that Wilkins 's action was in pursuance of 
explicit orders from the commander-in-chief. General 
Gage. ^^ There is, indeed, some justification for this view, 
for Wilkins declared in 1770 that he had created the court 
*' by virtue of the power to me given by his Excellencey 
Major General Thomas Gage, commander-in-chief of his 

^"^ MS. (^ourt Record, p. 23. See also Butricke to Barnsley, February 
12, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII, 262; Flagg, The Far West, in 
Thwaites, Early Western Travels^ XXVII, 79. There is a slight mis- 
conception as to the numher of judges appointed. Moses, ///., Hist, 
and Stat., I, 137, and the same author, "Court of Enquiry", in 
Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 2Q2; Wallace, ///. and La. under French 
Rule, 396, and a number of others, including Bancroft, state that there 
were seven judges appointed. Ensign Bulricke, who wrote concerning 
the court, asserted that there were " several " judges, but according 
to the record itself there were but six commissions issued and only six 
judges ever appear. 

^''See above, ch. II. 

89 Moses, ///., Hist, and Stat., I, 137; Moses, "Court of Enquiry", 
in Chicago Hist Soc. Colls., IV, 292; Winsnr, Westward JMovement, 
40; Wallace, ///. and La. tinder French Rule, 396; Davidson and 
Stuve, Complete Hist, of III., 165; Bancroft, Hist, of U. S. (ed. 
1854), VI, 224-225. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 67 

Majesty's forces in North America."^" Considered alone, 
this sounds convincing. But Gage evidently had not the 
slightest knowledge of the existence of the court. In all of 
that officer's official correspondence with the home gov- 
ernment, with subordinate officials in Illinois, and with Sir 
William Johnson, there is not the least mention of a court 
of any character. In fact Gage declared in 1771, when 
writing of the conditions which had prevailed in Illinois 
since 1765 : *' I perceive there has been wanting judicial 
power to try and determine. There has been no way to 
bring Controversys and Disputes properly to a determina- 
tion or delinquents to punishment." ^^ Lord Hillsborough, 
secretary for the colonies, whose knowledge of occurrences 
in Illinois was remarkable, and whose comments on con- 
ditions are always noteworthy, likewise gives no intimation 
that he was aware of the existence of the court. More- 
over, Wilkins himself is silent on the subject when he writes 
to Gage, Secretary-at-War Barrington, and others. ^^ It is 
therefore probable that Wilkins received no order from 
Gage to establish a court, and that he merely used, as a 
basis for his action, the general instructions of the com- 
mander-in-chief to keep order in the country. 

The court consisted of six judges throughout its history 

^°MS. Court Record, p. 23. He made a similar statement about 
the same time : '' D'autant que par les Pouvois que . . etoient donnes 
par Son Excellence I'Hon Thomas Gage . . " Proclamation of 
Wilkins concerning the justices of the court, March 12, 1770, Kas- 
kaskia Records, British Period. 

^^Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. 

^2 A few of the longer and more detailed letters relating especially to 
Illinois from 1768 to 1770 have been selected for citation: Gage to 
Hillsborough, February 4, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125; 
same to same, August 12, 1769, ibid.-, same to same, September 9, 

1769, ibid.', Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, ibid.-, Hills- 
borough to Gage, December 9, 1769, ibid.-, same to same, July 31, 

1770, ibid., vol. 126; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, ibid. 



68 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

from December, 1768 to June, 1770. In the beginning it 
was composed of four Englishmen, George Morgan, James 
Rumsey,^^ James Campbell, and James McMillan, and two 
Frenchmen, Jean Baptiste Barbau and Pierre Girardot.^* 
The commandant designated Morgan as the first president 
of the court. ^^ Morgan was an English trader who played 
an important role in the affairs of the Illinois country from 
1766101771. He was born in Philadelphia in 1741 and 
was educated in Princeton College. Through the influence 
of his father-in-law, John Baynton, he was admitted to the 
firm of Baynton and Wharton of Philadelphia. This com- 
pany had traded extensively among the Indians on the 
Pennsylvania border prior to 1765, and during the Indian 
wars had lost heavily. In an attempt to retrieve their for- 
tunes a branch house was established in the Illinois country 
in 1766, and Morgan became the firm's personal representa- 
tive in the West. He first appeared in Illinois in the early 
part of 1766, remaining there the greater part of the next 
five years. ^® According to a contemporaneous letter, ^^ the 
appointment of Morgan was considered an offence by the 
French inhabitants. *'The French all hate the Morgan- 
ians ", the writer declares, and Morgan himself is *' uni- 
versally hated by them." Whether Morgan was so " uni- 
versally hated" does not appear from any other document. 

^^ Rumsey was private secretary to Wilkms. 

9* MS. Court Record, p. i; Flagg, The Far West, in Thwaites, 
Early Western Travels, XXVII, 79. 

^^ Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. 31agasine, Will, 
262; MS. Court Record, p. I. 

^^ After his experience in the IlHnois country Morgan served the 
Revolutionary cause in the capacity of Indian agent. He died in 1810. 
For further details of Morgan's life see "Biography of Col. George 
Morgan ", by Julia Morgan Harding, in the Washington (Pa.) Observer, 
May 21, 1904. 

^''Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VWl, 
262. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 69 

It is probable, however, that the appointment was made in 
order to favor the trading company which Morgan repre- 
sented in Illinois, for Wilkins and Morgan were at first inti- 
mate friends, and we find the former making large grants 
of land to the English merchants, receiving in return a por- 
tion as compensation. ^^ 

The court retained its original composition until Novem- 
ber, 1769, when the name of David Williams appeared as 
judge. ^^ It is impossible to ascertain which judge he super- 
seded, for there were few sittings in which the entire court 
was present. From this time changes were made rapidly. 
In February, 1770, Louis Viviat, a prominent Frenchman 
of Kaskaskia , became a judge , ^^° and in May , Charleville 
and Louviere were given commissions. ^°^ The court then 
consisted of Morgan, who still acted as president, Barbau, 
Girardot, Viviat, Charleville, and Louviere, all the English- 
men except Morgan having been displaced by Frenchmen. 
This complete transformation was of course the work of Wil- 
kins himself, for the court was in every sense his own crea- 
tion. March 4, 1770, we find him extending its jurisdic- 
tion to criminal as well as civil cases : " x\nd whereas 
several Disputes and Controversys have from time to time 
arisen Between the Inhabitants of the Country aforesaid as 
well as Assaults and Batteries Committed which by the 
Powers by me Heretofore given to Said Court may not ap- 
pear to be cognizable by them, . . . And as the present 

^^ Statement of George Morgan and Jas. Rumsey that Wilkins had 
granted lands to Joseph Galloway, Jas. Rumsey, John Baynton and 
Company, and Baynton, Wharton and Morgan on April 12, 1769, and 
on April 15, certain land to George Morgan and Samuel Wharton. 
Wilkins was to receive one-seventh part. The statement is sworn to at 
Fort de Chartres, June 25, 1769. Record of Deeds, p. 131, Kas- 
kaskia Records, British Period. 

^»MS. Court Record, p. 21. 

100 Ibid. , p. 22. ^^^ Ibid., p. 28. 



70 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Establishment of the Country does not admit of Tryals by 
Juries on account of its Small number of Inhabitants as 
Well as their Want of Knowledge of the Laws and Cus- 
toms of England. I do hereby therefore Further Authorize 
and Impower the Said Court to Hear, Try and Determine 
in a Summary Way all Disputes, Controversys and Debates 
Brought before them whether the Same be Assaults, etc., 
upon the Person or Trespass upon the Property of the In- 
habitants of the Country aforesaid , and to impose and bring 
such Fines and Inflict such Corporate Punishment or 
commit Offenders to Jayle at the discretion of the said 
Court . . . " ^°^ A little later we find him complaining 
that the people are not sufficiently interested to consent to 
serve as justices. ^°^ 

In the early period of the history of the court cases be- 
tween French and English were generally decided in favor 
of the latter ; but with the change in its composition this 
partiality in favor of Englishmen vanished,^"* and with it 

^°^MS. Court Record, p. 23. It will be observed that trial by jury 
was not introduced into Illinois at this time. The contrary has, how- 
ever, been generally stated by historians of the period. Justin Winsor 
writes that the "severest wrench to the feelings of the French . . . 
came with the establishment, under orders from Gage, of a court and 
jury according to English usage . . . ", Weslzuard Alovement, 40. 
The same statement is made by Wallace, ///. aiid La. under French 
J^ule, 396, Davidson and Stuve, Complete Hist, of III., 165, and 
Moses, ///., Hist, and Stat.^ I, 140. In a later work Moses takes the 
other and more correct view, although adducing no proof. See 
"Court of Enquiry", in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 292. In addi- 
tion to the testimony of Wilkins and the court record itself, we have the 
statement of Butricke, an eye-witness, that the court was "to deter- 
mine on all causes of debt, without a Jury", letter to Barnsley, Febru- 
ary 17, 1769, Hist. Magazine, VIII, 262. 

^°3 Proclamation by Wilkins, March 4, 1770, concerning the justices 
of the peace at Fort de Chartres, Kaskaskia Records, British Period. 

^°*Out of twenty-one cases heard between December 6, 1768, and 
June 6, 1770, of which there is record (pp. 5-10 of the record being 
gone), eleven were betM'een English and French, the former winning 
nine decisions. Of the other two, one decision was given in favor 0/ 



YEARS OF DISORDER 7 1 

disappeared in a measure evidences of national antagonism. 
In place of the latter came the formation of two new parties, 
one headed by Wilkins and his secretary, Rumsey, and the 
other by Morgan, which was composed of the greater portion 
of the discontented French. The genesis of these factions 
is found in the definite break between court and comman- 
dant on June 6, 1770, when the judges acted contrary to 
the wishes and orders of the commandant. The court in 
one instance ordered the sale for debt of a house belonging 
to Captain Philip Pittman, ^*^^ which was contrary to the ex- 
plicit order of Wilkins. ^^^ Another cause of friction was 
the decision of the judges to hold the future sessions of the 
court at Kaskaskia. '°^ Until March, 1770, the sessions had 
been held alternately at Kaskaskia and Chartres village, but 
after that date they were held at Chartres village only. ^"^ 
The change to Kaskaskia was very inconvenient to the com- 
mandant, since his home was at Fort de Chartres. 

On the same day, June 6, Joseph L'Esperance, an attor- 
ney-at-la,w, complained to the court of his inability to obtain 
writs of attachment for which he had applied to the com- 
mandant and his secretary. '°^ The complainant further 
alleged that one of the writs prayed for was at the instance 
of his client, George Morgan, president of the court, and 

one Daniel Bloiiin, a son-in-law of Charleville, and a person always 
favored by the English. Four cases were between Englishmen, and six 
involved PVenchmen alone, in which Bloiiin was either defendant or 
plaintiff and won every decision. MS. Court Ktcoxd, passim. 

io=>The same Pittman who wrote Present State of the European Set- 
tlements on the Miss. 

106 MS. Court Record, pp. sSff. '"//;/V., pp. 37ff. 

'°^ Chartres village, December 6, 1768; Kaskaskia, January 2, 1769; 
Chartres village, April 4, 1769; Kaskaskia, May 3, 1769; Chartres 
village, November, 1769; Kaskaskia, December 5, 1769; Chartres 
village, February 6, March 6, April 3, June 5, 1770; Kaskaskia, June 
6, 1770. 

i°»MS. Court Record, p. 45. 



72 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Morgan then added his testimony to the effect that on 
several occasions since the 14th of May he had applied in 
vain to Wilkins for a similar writ. ^^° In consequence of 
these relations the court drew up and unanimously adopted 
a memorial to the commandant, setting forth that his action 
was very prejudicial and unfair to creditors and praying 
that he might not interfere with the course of justice. "^ 
The court then adjourned to meet the following month, "^ 
but there is no record of any further meetings after June 6. 
Presumably Wilkins abolished the institution which no 
longer supported him. The importance of the details con- 
nected with the termination of the court will be seen in a 
later chapter in connection with the movement inaugurated 
by the French for the establishment of a civil government 
in Illinois. 

Side by side with the court of judicature there grew up 
another method of settling civil disputes, by what were 
termed courts of inquiry, composed of military officers. A 
court of inquiry was called January 13, 1769, to settle cer- 
tain disputes between the merchant, George Morgan, and a 
number of complaining Frenchmen. It continued until Jan- 
uary 20, and the result was satisfactory to neither party. "^ 
Another court was convened September 24, 1770 to adjust 
difficulties between Baynton, Wharton and Morgan and 
Richard Bacon. "* The details of the hearing afford further 
evidence of the existence of factional strife between the 
Morgan and Wilkins parties. 

""MS. Court Record, p. 45. ^^"^ Ibid. ^^^ Ibid., p. 46. 

'^^^ Hisi. Magazine, VIII, 270. 

^**The complete record of the proceedings has been printed by 
Moses, in Chicago Hist. Soc. Colls., IV, 294-356. Moses states that 
he obtained a manuscript copy from the Wisconsin Historical Society 
Library, but Dr. Thwaites, the secretary, finds no such papers there 
now. There is, however, a manuscript copy m somewhat different 
form, in the Division of Public Records of the Pennsylvania State 
Library. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 73 

Wilkins had his share of trouble with the Indian problem. 
There were constant rumors of war ^^° and of attacks upon 
the Illinois post,"« and murders of whites became frequent 
in the vicinity of Fort de Chartres. '" It was therefore neces- 
sary to be on guard continuously against a possible surprise. 
Moreover, after the year 1768, the commandant was forced 
to look after the local management of Indian affairs ; for in 

"=Gage to Hillsborough, January 5, 1769, Dartmouth Papers, Four- 
teenth Report, Royal hist. MSS. Cow., Appendix X; same to same, 
February 3, 1767, ibid.; same to same, February 4, 1769, P. R- O., 
Am. and W. I., vol. 125; Johnson to Hillsborough, June 26, 1769, 
N. Y. Col. Docs., Mill, 173; same to same, August 26, i'j6g,ibid., 
184-185; Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. I., vol. 125; same to same, September 9, 1769, ibid. A congress 
of all the western and southern Indians was held on the Scioto River in 
the summer of 1768, where the Delaware and Shawnee Indians at- 
tempted to form a general union against the English. See Gage to 
Hillsborough, September 9, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125; 
Gage to Haldimand, August 28, 1770, B. M., Add. MSS., 21, 664, 
fol. 178, and Hillsborough to Johnson, November 15, 1 770, JV. Y. 
Col. Docs., Vni, 254. 

ii^Butricke to Barnsley, June 25, 1769, Hist. Magazitie, VHI, 27off.; 
Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 125; Johnson to Gage, April 6, 1770, Johnson MSS., vol. XVIII, 
no. 266; Gage to Johnson, April 16, 1770, Gage's Letters; Hillsbor- 
ough to Gage, June 12, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; 
Gage to Hillsborough, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. In addition to the Indian troubles, the Enghsh residents and 
soldiers had to contend with a most distressing sickness durmg the years 
1 768-1 770. At one time, late in 1768, nearly all the soldiers were ill 
with fevers peculiar to that locaHty. See Morgan's MS. letter book, 
passim ; Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, October 30, 1 768, Division 
of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library; same to John Baynton, October 
30, 1768, ibid.', Butricke to Barnsley, February 12, 1769, Hist. 
Magazine, VIII, 262. 

11^ Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, April 24, 1 769, Division of 
Pub. Records, Pa. State Library; Gage to Hillsborough, August 18, 

1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Gage to Johnson, Septem- 
ber 3, 1770, Gage's Letters; Gage to Hillsborough, September 3, 

1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127; Fa. Packet and General 
Advertiser, April 6, 1772, containing letters from Kaskaskia, June 
14, 1771; Gage to Johnson, August 14, 1771, Gage's Letters; same 
to same, September 10, 1771, September 24, 1774, ibid.; Gage to Hills- 
borough, October i, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. 



74 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

that year the home government withdrew all the special 
Indian agents from the various posts in consequence of the 
transference of the management of the Indians to the colo- 
nies. •'^^ Edward Cole, Indian commissary in Illinois, left 
early in 1769, "^ and with him went others employed in the 
Indian service. "° Thus was additional work imposed upon 
the military department. The significance of the change, 
moreover, was not lost upon the Indians, who looked upon 
it as another evidence of the negligence of the British gov- 
ernment. ^^^ Wilkins succeeded, however, in keeping the 
large body of Indians pacified. ^'^^^ The murder of Pontiac by 
an Indian in 1769 ^^^ led to a civil war among themselves, ^^* 
which turned their attention from the white settlers. 

Wilkins's relations with the Roman Catholics were ap- 
parently amicable, a large part of the regiment stationed at 



"8 Hillsborough to Johnson, April 15, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 
57j 58; Johnson to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, ibid., 105-106; 
same to same, February 15, 1769, ibid., 151. 

"^Cole to Johnson, June 13, 1769, Johnson MSS., vol. XVII, no. 
189. There was considerable dissatisfaction with Cole's management 
of Indian affairs on the ground of his alleged extravagance. See 
Maturin (Gage's secretary) to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, May 7, 
1768, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library. 

^''^ Return of people employed in the Indian Department at the Illi- 
nois (1767) : 

A Commissary . L 200 Sterling. 

A Gunsmith L 100 " 

An Interpreter L 80 " 

A Doctor L 80 " 

L 460 

^2' Johnson to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, y\^. Y. Col. Docs., 
VIII, 105-106; same to same, ibid., VII, 151. 

^^2 Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125; same to same, August 18, 1770, ibid..^ vol. 126. 

"'Cole to Johnson, June 13, 1769, Johnson MSS., vol. XVII, no. 
189; Gage to Johnson, August 6, 1769, Gage's Letters. 

"*Gage to Hillsborough, August 12, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125; Gage to Johnson, July 15, 1771, Gage's Letters. 



YEARS OF DISORDER 75 

Fort de Chartres being members of the Roman Catholic 
church. The legal position of the church had been well 
defined by the treaty of Paris and by succeeding documents, 
and on the whole the course pursued by the English govern- 
ment toward the Catholics of Illinois was an honorable one. 
In the Illinois country the Jesuits had had charge of the par- 
ish at Kaskaskia and of the mission among the Indians of the 
same name. By a royal decree in 1764 the Jesuit order in 
France and its dependencies was abolished, and the decree 
was executed in the Illinois country in the same year, ^^^ the 
property being confiscated for the use of the French 
king. ^^^ Not only did the Jesuits leave, but the Sulpitians 
likewise abandoned their parishes , ^" so that at the begin- 
ning of the British occupation not a single priest was in the 
country. Father Meurin, however, one of the expelled 
priests, obtained leave to return to minister to the aban- 
doned parishes. ^^^ Illinois had always been attached to the 
bishopric of Quebec, and in 1768 Bishop Briand of Quebec 
made Father Meurin his vicar-general in Illinois. ^^^ But 
owing to his age and ill-health, and the widely scattered 
parishes, it was impossible for Meurin to carry on the work 

^^'The best contemporary account of this incident is in Bannisse- 
nient des J e suites de la Lotiisiane^ September 3, 1 764, in Jesuit Re- 
lations, ed. Thwaites, LXX, 211-301. 

*'^ General Gage complained that the sale was illegal, because made 
after the treaty of cession of 1763, Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, 
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. 

^*^M. Forget, the only remaining priest of that order in 1764, sold 
the property at Cahokia and carried the proceeds with him, although 
his action was opposed by many of the inhabitants, Sterling to Gage, 
December 15, 1765, P. R. O., Am, and W. I., vol. 122; Meurin to 
Bishop Briand, June ii, 1768, Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites, LXXI, 
37. 

^^^ Bannissemeni des Jesuites de la Louisiane, September 3, 1764, 
Jesuit Relations, ed. Thwaites, LXX, 291; Shea, Life of Archbishop 
Carroll^ 1 1 3. 

^'^^Ibid., 116. 



76 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

alone. The English authorities made efforts to secure an 
additional priest ^^" but without success. In 1768, how- 
ever, Bishop Briand sent Father Pierre Gibault, who took up 
his residence at Kaskaskia, Meurin retiring to the less popu- 
lous parish of Cahokia. ^^^ Throughout the entire British 
period we find little or no complaint by church officials of 
the attitude of the English government. Although politi- 
cally the French had much to complain of during the first 
five years of British rule, their religious privileges were ac- 
corded them at all times. 

'^°Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 
122. 

^^^ Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll, 125. Father Meurin had not 
had a very happy experience with the Kaskaskians. They refused to 
pay their tithes, and in numerous other ways showed him disrespect. 
He tells us that the people had lost their piety almost entirely during 
the years of chaos incident to the removal of the Jesuits and the arrival 
of the British, Meurin to Bishop Briand, June 1 1, 1768, Jesuit Rela- 
tions, ed. Thwaites, LXXI, 4iff. ; Shea, Life of Archbishop Carroll, 
I 14-129. 



CHAPTER V. 

Trade Conditions in the Illinois Country, 
1765-1775. 

The peltry trade had been one of the chief elements in 
the rivalry between France and England in the Ohio and 
Mississippi valleys. It was the main support of the French 
government in Canada and now that the English were in 
possession of the great peltry districts the management of 
the trade deserved most serious consideration. It was be- 
coming of increasing importance to the manufacturing 
monopoly of the mother country, and therefore, in the 
minds of English statesmen, deserved far more attention 
than did the few thousand French colonists scattered 
throughout the West. The desire to increase this branch 
of commerce dictated in large measure those clauses in the 
proclamation of 1763, which forbade the formation of settle- 
ments or the purchase of lands within the Indian reserva- 
tion, but which at the same time declared that trade with 
the Indians should be free and open to all English subjects 
alike. Again, the plan proposed in 1764 related solely to 
the management of the Indians and to the regulation of the 
trade with a view to making the English monopoly of in- 
trinsic value to the empire. Even towards the close of the 
period under consideration there was little or no change of 
policy so far as official utterances are concerned. In 1772, 
in a report to the crown, the Lords of Trade made the fol- 
lowing declaration : " ' The great object of colonizing upon 

77 



78 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

the continent of North America has been to improve and 
extend the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of 
this kingdom ... it does appear to us, that the extension 
of the fur trade depends entirely upon the Indians being 
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting grounds ; 
that all colonizing does in its nature, and must in its con- 
sequences, operate to the prejudice of that branch of com- 
merce.' . . . ' Let the savages enjoy their deserts in quiet . . . 
Were they driven from their forests the peltry trade would 
decrease.' "^ 

Under the French regime the western Indians and their 
trade had been managed with greater success than had the 
tribes living under English influence. The success of 
France was due largely to her policy of centralization, com- 
bined with the genial character of the French fur trader and 
the influence of the missionary. The English, on the con- 
trary, had managed their relations with the Indians through 
the agency of the different colonies, without a semblance of 
union or cooperation, each colony competing for the lion's 
share of the trade, a policy which resulted disastrously to 
the peace of the empire. 

In 1755 the English government, under the influence of 



^ Franklin's Works, ed. Sparks, IV, 303-323. " I conceive that to 
procure all the commerce it will afford at as little expense to ourselves 
as we can is the only object we should have in view in the interior 
Country for a century to come." Gage to Hillshorourh, November 10, 
1770, P. R.O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126: "This Traiffick was the Prin- 
cipal Benefit in View, in the Extent of Territory in N. America made 
by the late Peace." Conway to Gage, March 27, 1766, Conway's 
MS. letter book in Library of Congress. It may be noted, however, 
that some members of the government had serious doubts as to this 
policy. Such men as Shelluirne favored an early opening of the coun- 
try to colonization. See below, ch. VI. Shelburne, however, was 
also convinced that the management of the Indians and their trade 
should be considered first among American affairs. Calendar of Heme 
Office Papers^ 1 766-1 769, no. 348. For a similar view of Shelburne's 
in 1774 see Pari. Hist., XVIII, 672. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 79 

Halifax, president of the Board of Trade, took over the 
political control of the Indians, and appointed two super- 
intendents to have charge of the different nations. ^ A little 
later, in 1761 , the purchase of Indian lands was taken out of 
the hands of the colonies and placed under the control of 
the home government. ^ No further change is to be noted 
until after the issue of the war was known, when the whole 
question was again taken under consideration. The most 
important step yet taken respecting the Indian and his 
concomitant, the fur trade, appeared in the proclamation of 
1763, issued in October following the treaty of cession. 
Some of its provisions for the West have already been noted. 
In addition to reserving for the present the unorganized 
territory between the Alleghany Mountains and the Missis- 
sippi River for the use of the Indians, the government 
guaranteed the Indians in the possession of these lands by 
announcing in the proclamation that no governor or com- 
mander-in-chief would be allowed to make land grants 
within this territory, and further prohibited all land pur- 
chases and the formation of settlements by private indi- 
viduals without royal consent. Trade within this reserva- 
tion was, however, made free to all who would obtain a 
license from the governor or commander-in-chief of the 
colony in which they resided. * 

The Indian trade now came to be regarded as British 
rather than colonial,^ since its management was now 
directed by the central government. In the course of the 

2 Alvord, " Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in Mich. Pioneer 
and Hist. Colls., XXXVI, 25. 

3 Ibid. 

* Can. Const. Docs., ly^g-iygi, 122. 

* Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 17, 1759, A^. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 
375. Franklin pointed out the same thing in 1766. P'ranklin's 

Works, ed. Biglow, III, 429. 



8o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

year following the issuance of the proclamation an elaborate 
plan was outlined by Hillsborough^ comprehending the 
political and commercial relations of all the Indian terri- 
tory. 

According to the proposed scheme ^ British North Amer- 
ica was to be divided, for purposes of Indian management, 
into two districts, a northern and a southern, each under 
the control of a general superintendent or agent appointed 
by the crown, the Ohio River being designated as the ap- 
proximate line of division. In the northern district, with 
which we are here concerned, the regulation of such Indian 
affairs as treaties, land purchases, questions of peace and 
war, and trade relations was to be given into the hands of 
the superintendent who was to be entirely free from outside 
interference. Without his consent no civil or military officer 
could interfere with the trade or other affairs of any of the 
Indian tribes. Three deputies were to be appointed to 
assist the superintendent and at each post a commissary, an 
interpreter, and a smith were to reside, acting under the 
immediate direction of the superintendent and responsible 
only to him for their conduct. For the administration of 
justice between traders and Indians and between traders 
themselves, the commissary at each post was to be empow- 
ered to act as justice of the peace in all civil and criminal 
cases. In civil cases involving sums not exceeding ten 
pounds the commissary was to have summary jurisdiction, 
but an appeal might be taken to the superintendent. 
The Indian trade was to be under the direct supervision of 
the general superintendent. Traders who desired to go 
among the Indians to ply their trade could do so by obtain- 
ing a license from the province from which they came. 

^ See above, ch. II, pp. 16-17. 

■^ Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 242; N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 637-641. 



TRADE CONDITIONS gi 

The region into which the traders intended to go was to be 
clearly defined in the license and each had to give bond for 
the observance of the laws regulating the trade. The super- 
intendent, together with the commissary at the post and a 
representative of the Indians, was to fix the value of all 
goods, and traders were forbidden to charge more than the 
price fixed. For the still better regulation of the trade, it 
was to be centered about the regularly fortified and gar- 
risoned forts. Regulations for the sale of land were also 
proposed : outside the limits of the colonies no individual 
or company could legally purchase land from the Indians 
unless at a general meeting of the tribe presided over by the 
superintendent. 

The plan thus outlined by the ministry was never carried 
into effect by parliamentary action, although the superin- 
dents used the outline as a guide in their dealings with the 
Indians. ^ The original intention had been to levy a tax on 
the Indian trade to defray the expense of putting the scheme 
into operation, but it was found that the budget was already 
too greatly burdened, » and the Stamp Act disturbances 
which followed illustrated the probable inexpediency of im- 
posing such a duty. ^° 

The foregoing considerations serve to indicate the im- 
portance which the ministry attached to the Indian trade in 
general. But what of the trade in the Illinois country? 
This region had been one of the great centers of the Indian 

« Practically all the provisions were adopted by the superintendents, 
" Representation of Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs" 
March 17, 1768, N. V. Col. Docs., VIII, 24. 

^Franklin's Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 38; Knox, Justice and Policy 
of the Quebec Act, 39; "Proposed Extension of Provincial Limits", 
Can Const. Docs., i7S9-^79^, Z^i', Johnson to Gage, March 9, 1761;, 
Parkman Coll., Pontiac-Miscell., 1 765-1778. 

'°Knox, Justice and Policy of the Quebec Act, 39. 



82 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

trade under the French regime ; and in addition the French 
inhabitants had been one of the main supports of New 
Orleans since its foundation early in the century. The 
commercial connection between the Illinois villages and New 
Orleans had never been broken, and at the time of the oc- 
cupation of Illinois in 1765, French fur traders and mer- 
chants still plied their traffic up and down the Mississippi 
River. Now that the title to this trade centre had passed 
to England it was expected that the volume of trade would 
be turned eastward up the Ohio River. The necessity for 
this was patent if any material benefits were to accrue to 
the empire from the cession , for failure to carry out the plan 
would leave the country a dead weight on the empire. 

The home and colonial authorities early saw the import- 
ance of turning the course of the trade. They hoped and 
expected that a trade would be opened with the Indians in 
and about the Illinois country immediately after the active 
occupation by the English troops. ^^ A large number of 
individual traders were early aware of this and representa- 
tives of some of the large trading companies of the East 
were also preparing to take advantage of the opening of the 
West to trade. In 1765 Fort Pitt became the great rendez- 
vous for this element. From this point traders, with their 
cargoes to exchange for the Indians' furs , followed the army 
to Fort de Chartres as soon as the season of the year would 
permit. 

Among the more prominent figures was George Morgan, 
a member of the firm of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, 
and the company's personal representative in the Illinois 
country. Other representatives of the company left Fort 
Pitt in March of the same year with a large cargo of goods , 

^^ Johnson to Governor Penn, April 12, 1765, Johnson MSS., vol, 
X, no. 190. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 83 

which reached Fort de Chartres during the summer. ^^ 
Firms such as Franks and Company of Philadelphia and 
London, and Bentley and Company of Manchac, on the 
lower Mississippi, also traded extensively in the Illinois 
region during the following years ; all the larger British 
companies becoming rivals for that portion of the Indian 
trade which the English were able to command. Other 
and perhaps greater sources of profit to the English mer- 
chants lay in the privilege of furnishing the garrison with 
provisions ^^ and the Indian department with the goods for 
Indian presents.^* Although the houses of Baynton, Whar- 
ton and Morgan , and of Franks and Company were usually 
competitors for the former privilege, the latter company 
generally had the monopoly. ^^ On the other hand Bayn- 
ton, Wharton and Morgan derived their greatest profits 
from the sale of enormous quantities of goods to the govern- 
ment through the Indian department for distribution among 
the Indians accustomed to assemble at the Illinois vil- 
lages. ^^ But whether all these houses received profits com- 
mensurate with the risks undertaken is problematical. " 
In the Indian trade, in which all the merchants were in- 

'^ Five bateaux loaded with goods under the command of John Jen- 
nings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to Bayn- 
ton, Wharton and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS. letter in Hist. Soc. 
Pa. Library. In 1767 the firm wrote: "Our Speculation has been at- 
tended with the most favorable circumstances to his Majesty's Interest, 
As we are the only English Merchants who have ventured to forward 
British Merchandize to the Illinois Country; Whereby the King's 
Agents have been enabled, in some Degree to counteract the French 
and Spanish on the opposite side of the Mississippi." Baynton, W^har- 
ton and Morgan to Macleane, October 9, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. 
Soc. Pa.) , vol. XXVI. The best sources of information for the company's 
methods and operations in the West are Morgan's MS. letter book and 
the firm's papers in the Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library. 

1' Morgan's MS. letter book. ^^ Ibid. ^^ Ibid. ^^ Ibid. 

" Gage wrote in 1770 that the '* Company from Philadelphia [Bayn- 
ton, Wharton and Morgan] failed in the Illinois trade", Gage to Hills- 
borough, December 7, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126. 



84 'fHE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

terested, they not only had to compete with each other and 
with independent English traders, but with the French and 
Spanish who had not ceased to ply their trade among their 
old friends the Indians. This continuance of foreign 
traders in British territory was probably the most serious 
problem in the trade situation. Not only did it affect Eng- 
lish traders but the interests of the empire itself were seri- 
ously threatened by the presence within its limits of un- 
licensed foreign traders. It is therefore evident that the 
close of hostilities between France and England in 1763 
and the formal transfer of Canada and the West to Great 
Britain by no means closed the intense rivalry between the 
fur-trading elements of the two nations for predominance 
in the western trade. It rather accentuated it. As has 
already been suggested, France, until the cession of the 
West, had naturally possessed the dominant influence 
among the savages of the Mississippi Valley and Canada, 
and consequently the monopoly of the fur trade accrued to 
her subjects. In the upper Ohio River region and among 
the tribes bordering on or living within the limits of the 
English colonies, the British, during the first half of the 
eighteenth century, were either strong rivals of the French 
or were completely dominant. It was therefore generally 
expected that after the cession of the West the British 
would inherit the influence of the French among the Indians 
and succeed to the monopoly of the fur trade just as Great 
Britain had succeeded to the sovereignty of the territory 
itself. But the conspiracy of Pontiac, due in large part to 
the machinations of the French traders, postponed for a 
considerable period the entry of the British traders, during 
which time the French became more strongly entrenched 
than ever in the affections of the savages. 

The French methods of trade had from the beginning 



TRADE CONDITIONS 85 

been different from those pursued by their neighbors and 
rivals. The government divided the Indian country into 
districts corresponding to the divisions recognized by the 
Indians themselves, and licenses were adapted to the sev- 
eral * * hunts ' ' with reference to the customs and habits of 
the natives. ^® Traders were absolutely forbidden under 
severe penalties to trade or hunt beyond the limits of their 
respective districts. ^^ The traders, moreover, lived among 
the Indians, affected their manners, treated them kindly 
and respectfully, and supplied all their wants, and the mis- 
sionary, the connecting link between the two races, was 
ever present. This association of religion which was one 
of the causes of the success of the French in gaining such a 
permanent foothold in the affections of the Indians, was 
entirely absent in the British relations with that race. The 
English traders were in general unscrupulous ^° in their deal- 
ings with the savages and deficient in that tact which en- 
abled Frenchmen to overcome the natural prejudice of the 
Indian and acquire an interest with him which would be 
difficult to sever. In that section of the Indian country 
where the influence of Great Britain was such that her 
traders could go among the Indians, there was always con- 
siderable dissatisfaction on account of the methods employed 
by a large number of independent and irresponsible traders. 
Many carried large quantities of rum, some dealing in noth- 
ing else. ^^ English traders frequently attended public 

ispownall, Admin, of the Cols., 187. ^^ Ibid. 

2° Johnson to Hillsborough, October 23, 1768, N. Y. Col. Docs., 
VIII, 105-106; same to Shelburne, ibid., VII, 929; same, "Review 
of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians", September, 1767, ibid., 955, 
960, 964; same to Lords of Trade, ibid., 987; Johnson to Carleton, 
January 27, 1767, Can. Arch., series Q., vol. 4, p. 115. 

'1 Johnson to Hillsborough, August 14, 1770, N. Y. Col. Docs., 
VIII, 226. See extract from *' Ponteach, or the Savages of North 
America: A Tragedy ", in Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac^ II, 344ff. 



S6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

meetings of Indians, gave them liquor during the time for 
business, and defrauded them of their furs. ^^ This abuse 
was one of the great causes of complaint against British 
traders. ^^ Indeed wherever they participated in the trade, 
its condition was deplorable. Many of the independent 
traders had little or no credit so that the legitimate mer- 
chants suffered as well as the Indians. ^* The unlicensed 
traders adopted various expedients to draw trade from each 
other, such as selling articles below first cost, thus ruining 
a large number of merchants. ^^ Fabrications dangerous to 
the public were frequently created to explain the prices and 
condition of goods. "^^ But probably more injurious still to 
imperial interests, was the fact that whole cargoes of 
goods were sometimes sold by English firms to French trad- 
ers, thus enabling the latter to engross a great part of the 
trade, and depriving the empire of the benefit of the reve- 
nue accruing from the importation of furs into England. 
This practice was probably followed to a greater degree in 
the farther West, •^'^ where the French continued to have a 
monopoly in the trade long after the English occupation. 

It had been expected that the Illinois villages would be 
the center of trade for the English side of the upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley ^^ just as it had been one of the centers dur- 

^^2 Johnson to Hillsborough, August 14, 1770, N'. Y. Col. Docs.^ 
VIII, 226. 

^^ Johnson to Hillsborough, April 4, 1772, ibid., 292. 

''^ Johnson, '* Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians ", Sep- 
tember, 1767, /(5zV/., VII, 964-965. "^^ Ibid. ^^Ibid. 

2'^ Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVII; Johnson to Lords of Trade, November 16, 1767, 
N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 776; Croghan to B. FrankHn, January 27, 
1767, Sparks MSS., V, vol. I, p. 46. Croghan, writing from New 
York, says that "persons here of no inconsiderable Consequence sup- 
ply the P^ench at New Orleans with Goods to carry on their Contra- 
band Trade in the Illinois Country." Ibid. 

^* Lords of Trade to Johnson, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 635. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 87 

ing the French regime. But the British were not so well 
situated to command the trade as the French had been. 
Previous to this time the trade of the Missouri River region 
had centered at the Illinois posts, but after the cession of 
the West to England and the foundation of St. Louis by 
Laclede in 1764, the latter place drew all the trade west of 
the Mississippi. Moreover, except for the few tribes of Illi- 
nois Indians in the immediate vicinity very few savages 
found their way to Fort de Chartres for trading purposes. 
English traders, on the other hand, did not trust themselves 
far beyond this narrow circle, ^^ but their French and 
Spanish rivals from Louisiana, many of whom formerly 
lived in the Illinois country, carried on a trade in all direc- 
tions both by land and by water. ^° They ascended the 
Ohio, Wabash, and Illinois rivers ^^ and crossed the Mis- 

'^ " Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, 
1768", P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 125. General Gage declared 
in 1770 that the posts had failed as centers of trade. Gage to Hills- 
borough, November 10, 1770, ibid., vol. 126. 

30 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio", 1766, MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. 
Library; Lieutenant Geo. Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson 
MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109. Morgan complained in 1767 that the great 
number of French hunters who went up the Ohio from New Orleans 
had almost exterminated the buffalo. Morgan to Baynton and Whar- 
ton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's MS. letter book. 

3^ Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's 
MS. letter book; Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. 
and W. I., vol. 124; Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, ibid. 
Early in 1768 the Indians attacked a party of Frenchmen crossing the 
country from Vincennes with eight horses loaded with peltry, Morgan 
to Baynton and Wharton, April 10, 1768, Morgan's MS. letter book. 
On April 23, 1768, Morgan again writes: "A single boat has just 
arrived at Misere (St. Genevieve) loaded with Wine, Tafifia and Brandy, 
four other Boats were to leave New Orleans Eight Days after. 
What their Cargoes consist of I cannot exactly learn but I fear chiefly 
Liquors. On their Arrival and their Cargoes Will greatly depend the 
Sales we shall make this Spring." MS. letter book. " They are even 
so impudent as to wear English Colours up the Ohio on Acct. of the 
Cherokees", Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, 
ibid. 



88 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

sissippi River above the Illinois, plying their traffic among 
the tribes in the region of the Wisconsin and Fox rivers. ^^ 
This was probably the most productive area in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley in the supply of fur-bearing animals. The 
Mississippi River northward from its junction with the Illinois 
was also considered especially good for the peltry business, 
the otter, beaver, wolf, cervine, and martin being found in 
abundance,^^ but the British traders dared not venture into 
that quarter.^* The loss of this trade, however, cannot be 
attributed altogether to their misconduct, for the French 
had never allowed it to pass from their own hands. The 
latter continued to intrigue with the Indians throughout the 
greater part of this period just as they had done prior to 
1765. As we have seen they pointed out to the savages 
how they would suffer from the policy of economy practised 
by the British government. ^^ Thus by giving presents and 
by circulating stories and misrepresentations the French 
subjects of Spain attempted to checkmate every move of 

^^Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125; Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois, 
1 771 ", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library. It may be noted that during 
the French regime the French-Canadians traded extensively in this 
region. See Gage's " Report on the State of the Government of 
Montreal", Can. Const. Docs., ij^g-iygi^ 69-72. 

^^Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, ibid., vol. 
126. 

^* " To ascend the Mississippi or Illinois Rivers with Goods would be 
certain Death, so great is the Influence of the French there." Morgan 
to Baynton and "Wharton, December 10, 1767, MS. letter book. 
Lieutenant Hutchins, an English engineer, who spent a year in the 
IlUnois country, stated that the " Peltries in general that are sent from 
the British Side are obtained from the French Traders on the Spanish 
Shore, as no Englishman can with safety venture among the Savages." 
Hutchins, " Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois", MS. in Hist. 
Soc. Pa. Library. 

^* Johnson to Carleton, January 27, 1767, Can. Arch., series Q, 
vol. 4, p. 115. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 89 

the English. ^^ The Indians were constantly reminded of 
bad designs on the part of England, and were encouraged 
with unauthorized promises of aid in case they should take 
up the hatchet in defense of their hunting grounds. ^' 

This state of affairs continued throughout the greater 
part of the period, although it was probably modified to 
some extent after 1770. In answer to a number of vig- 
orous protests from General Gage, ^^ O'Reilly, the Spanish 
governor of Louisiana, issued an order to all the com- 
mandants in that colony to prohibit the inhabitants crossing 
the river in the pursuit of trade and whenever any excesses 
were committed to give satisfaction to the English com- 
mandant according to the laws of nations. ^^ 

During the first years of the British occupation there was 
considerable friction in the contact of the two alien peoples 
in the Illinois villages. In spite of the fact that the French 
who remained became subjects of Great Britain sharp com- 
petition existed for several years between the English and 
French residents in the vicinity of the villages.**^ The latter 
were on terms of friendship with the savages and could go 

3^ Johnson to Hillsborough, February 18, 1771, N. Y. Col. Docs., 
VIII, 263; same to same, October 23, 1768, ibid., 105-106. 

3^ Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 124. There was considerable apprehension among English offi- 
cials throughout this period lest the Indians should be stirred up for an 
attack upon Canada. See Hillsborough to Carleton, November 4, 
1769, Can. Arch., series Q, vol. 6, p. 121. 

38Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 124; Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Dartmouth Papers, Four- 
teenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., Appendix X. 

39 Order of O'Reilly, January 27, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 126. 

*° " Information of the State of Commerce in the Illinois Country, 
given by Captain Forbes, 1768", P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 125. 
Morgan informed his partners that *' a Number of French Merchants 
have combined against us and made Application to Captain Forbes and 
offered to supply the Crown at a much lower rate than we do." April 
5, 1768, Morgan's MS. letter book. 



90 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

into any part of the country without difficulty and those 
Indians who came to Fort de Chartres to trade generally 
preferred to deal with their trusted friends. The French 
often carried the packs of furs thus obtained across the river 
to St. Louis or transported them directly to the New Or- 
leans market. Although the British merchants were oc- 
casionally able to pool their interests with the French resi- 
dents, such cases were exceptional prior to 1770. In that 
year, however, General Gage informed the home govern- 
ment that ** the competition between his Majesty's old and 
new Subjects is greatly abated and must by degrees subside, 
for if carried to extremes it would be very prejudicial to 
both."^^ 

Naturally the large quantities of furs and skins obtained 
by such contraband trade as well as by the French residents 
of Illinois were taken directly to New Orleans and there 
embarked for the ports of France and Spain. ^'^ These 
foreign interlopers, however, only followed the route to 
which they had long been accustomed. On the other hand 
it was expected by the government that the traders who 
carried English manufactured goods down the Ohio River 
would return by the same route with their cargoes of peltry 
for the purpose of transporting them to England. But in 
this the government was disappointed. English traders and 
merchants followed the line of least resistance, the route 
down the Mississippi to New Orleans. ''^ Moreover, the 

" Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 126. 

*' Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's 
MS. letter book. "The French in open Day and without the least 
Ceremony send their Peltries from hence to New Orleans or to the West 
Side of the Mississippi", ibid. 

*'Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVn. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 91 

New Orleans market was attractive, for peltries sold at a 
higher price there than in the British markets/* The ten- 
dency of the English traders and merchants to follow this 
course was discovered soon after the occupation/^ In a 
communication to Secretary Shelburne in 1766 Gage in- 
formed the government that " It is reported that the Traders 
in West Florida carry most of their Skins to New Orleans, 
where they sell them at as good a price as is given in Lon- 
don. As I had before some Intelligence of this, the Officer 
commanding at Fort Pitt had orders to watch the Traders 
from Pensilvania who went down the Ohio in the Spring to 
Fort Chartres ; and to report the quantity of Peltry they 
should bring up the Ohio in the Autumn. He has just ac- 
quainted me that the traders do not return to his Post, 
that they are gone down the Mississippi with all their Furrs 
and Skinns under the pretense of embarking them at New 
Orleans for England."**' A few weeks later he wrote again 
in a similar strain : ' ' That Trade will go with the Stream is 
a maxim found to be true from all Accounts that have been 
received of the Indian trade carried on in that vast Tract 
of Country which lies on the Back of the British Colonies ; 
and that the Peltry acquired there is carried to the Sea 

** Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, ibid.; Johnson to Gage, 
January 29, 1 767, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIV, no. 35; Gage to Shel- 
burne, February 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXII; 
Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 28; 
George Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, ibid., vol. XXV, no. 109; 
Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. 
Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price ten pence per 
pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to 
Conway, July 15, 1766, ibid.^ vol. 122. 

*^Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, ibid. Remarks of Gage on Bar- 
rington's plan, May 10, 1766, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, pp. 45-61. 

*^Gage to Shelburne, December 23, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVII. In 1767, George Morgan informs his partners, 
Baynton and Wharton, that he will " send a Boat with a few Packs of 
Peltry to New Orleans". Morgan's MS. letter book. 



92 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

either by the River St. Lawrence or River Mississippi."*' 
Gage seemed to believe that the part which went down the 
St. Lawrence would be transported to England ; but that 
the peltry passing through New Orleans would never enter 
a British port.*^ ** Nothing but prospect of a superior 
profit or force will turn the Channel of Trade contrary to 
the above maxim." *^ "The Traders from these Colonies 
say that it will answer to carry Goods down the Ohio, but 
that it will not answer to return with their Peltry by the 
same Route, as they can get to the Sea at so much less ex- 
pense, and greater expedition by means of the Rapidity of 
the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New 
Orleans to transport their Peltry to England. "^° ". . . 
the British Traders at the Illinois who carry their goods 
above three hundred miles by land before they have the con- 
venience of Water Carriage cannot afford to return the same 
way with the produce of their Trade." ^^ In this opinion 
Sir William Johnson likewise concurred. ^^ Lieutenant John 
Phyn, of the British army, who spent some time at Fort de 
Chartres in 1768, also declared that ** as long as New Or- 
leans is in the hands of another power, the whole produce 
of that country must centre there. For our merchants will 

*'^ Gage to Shelburne, P^bruary 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVII. Lieutenant-Governor Carleton of Canada com- 
plained that owing to the restraints on the fur trade in that colony, all 
the trade was going down the Mississippi, Carleton to Johnson, March 
27, 1767, Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., X, 222-224. 

^^Gage to Shelburne, February 22, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVII. ^^Ibid. 

^°Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXVII, For a similar view see Gage to Johnson, January 
19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 23, and Gage to Johnson, 
January 25, 1767, ibid.^ no. 28. 

"Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. I., vol. 126. 

"Johnson to Gage, January 29, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 
35; same to same, February 24, 1767, ibid., p. 67. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 



93 



always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country pro- 
duces, at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if 
they were to ship them off." ^^ 

In 1768 some steps were taken toward the better regu- 
lation of the trade . In that year Captain Forbes , the com- 
mandant at Fort de Chartres, issued a placard forbidding 
the traders to send any peltry down the river without in- 
forming the commandant of the number of packs, and at 
the same time giving a bond of two hundred pounds sterling 
that they would land them in a British port.^* At the same 
time General Gage served notice on Governor Ulloa of 
Louisiana to prohibit the inhabitants of that province from 
going up the Illinois, Ohio, and Wabash rivers. The com- 
mandant at Fort de Chartres was then given directions to 
scour the river with armed boats, and to make prisoners of 
all persons acting contrary to the order of Don Ulloa and 
to carry them to Fort Pitt.^^ 

Conditions, however, grew no better as time went on. 
In 1773 we find Gage complaining that " the Trade of the 
Mississippi, except that of the upper parts from whence a 
portion may go to Quebec , goes down that River ; and has , 
as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi . . . 
tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans than of our- 
selves." ^^ 

An examination of the customs returns for the period 

ssphyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 
109. 

=♦ Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 
124. This had been advised before by the trader and Indian agent, 
George Croghan, Croghan to Franklin, January 27, 1767, Lansdowne 
MSS., vol. XLVIII. 

^^Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 124; Gage to Johnson, August 14, 1768, Gage's Letters. 

5^ Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. L, vol. 
128. 



94 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

from 1763 to 1775 indicates that the statements of English 
officials relative to the productivity of the West were not 
groundless. Instead of an increase in the number and 
value of furs and skins imported into England as a result of 
the French cession of the great fur-bearing regions of 
Canada and the Northwest, there is a decided decrease 
each year.^'' A diminution is likewise to be noted in the 
value of the exports from Canada during the same period. ^^ 
It is difficult to figure exactly what the loss to imperial 
interests was under these conditions. Furs and skins, how- 
ever, being among the enumerated commodities^^ some 
loss certainly accrued to British shipping and to the govern- 
ment through loss of the duty , as well as to English manu- 
factures. Although practically no peltries reached the 
Atlantic ports from the Illinois region , large quantities 
were carried to New Orleans. The few who have left any 
estimate of the amount of peltries exported to New 
Orleans agree in general that from five hundred to one 
thousand packs were shipped annually from the Illinois 
country. *" According to the usual estimate five hundred 

^"^ The value, as given in P. R. O. , Customs Accounts, vols. 64-68, 
of beaver skins exported from America from Christmas, 1763, to 
Christmas, 1768, was as follows: 

1764, ;^28, 067 S18 1767, ;^20, 262 S2 

1765, ;^27,8oi Sii 1768, ;^i8,923 S18 

1766, £2^,6s^ S o 

'^^The total value of beaver skins exported from Canada in 1764 was 
17,259 pounds sterling, and in 1768 it was 13,166 pounds sterling. 
P. R. O., Customs Accounts, vols. 64-68. 
^^ Pari. Hist., VII, 913-916. 

*°" An account of the exports from the Illinois from Sept., 1769 to 
Sept., 1770", in Hutchins's " Remarks upon the Country of the Illi- 
nois, 1771 ", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library: 
From the British Territory : 

Flour to New Orleans, 120,000 weight which may yield 4 Dollars 
pr Cwt. Sterling L 1120. 

Peltries 550 Packs which on an average if no damage happen 



TRADE CONDITIONS 95 

packs were worth in New Orleans about five thousand five 
hundred pounds sterling. ^^ At the same time the expense 
of maintaining the various posts and the Indian department 
was heavy. The Indian expenses at Fort de Chartres 
alone between September, 1766, and September, 1767, 
were more than six thousand pounds sterling. ^'^ In the 
following year the expenses for nine months in Indian 
affairs, fitting out an armed galley to prevent illicit trade, 
and in repairs on Fort de Chartres and new works of de- 
fense in expectation of an Indian rupture exceeded two 
thousand pounds sterling. ^^ 

to them may yield at London, Ten Pounds each Pack. 5,500 
Pounds. 

Total : Sterling L 6,620. 

From the Spanish Territory : 

Flour 15,000 Weight L 150 

Peltries 835 Packs L 8350 



L 8,500 
Total value of the Exports in the year 1768: L 15,120. 

The merchant Geo. Morgan declared that if proper regulations were 
adopted and enforced, 3000 packs per annum could be procured on 
the British side. Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 

1767, Morgan's MS. letter book. In 1763, 8000 packs of beaver 
peltry had been exported from New Orleans, Marsh to Haldimand, 
November 20, 1767, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,728. 

*i Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Country of the Illinois, 1771." 
From New Orleans, where all the western trade finally centered, it was 
estimated that peltries worth between 75,000 and 100,000 pounds sterl- 
ing were sent annually to foreign ports. Gage estimated it at 80,000 
pounds sterling, Gage to Shelburne, January 17, 1767, B. T. Papers 
(Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII. "New Orleans remits one hundred thou- 
sand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry annually to France ", Baynton, 
Wharton and Morgan to McLeane, October 9, 1767, ibid.,vo\. XXVI. 

^2 P. R. O., Audit Office, Declared Accounts, bundle 1530, roll 2, 
Indian Affairs. Gage estimated Commissary Cole's expense for the 
same period at ten thousand pounds sterling. Gage to Johnson, April 4, 

1768, Gage's Letters. 

^' Gage to Hillsborough, October 7, 1769, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 125. In a speech in the House of Lords in 1783, in which he 
defended the cession of the Northwest to the United States, Lord Shel- 
burne declared: "The exports of this country to Canada, then, were 



96 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

There seems to have been unanimity of opinion respect- 
ing the commercial inutility of the Illinois and surrounding 
country under existing conditions. Effective though ex- 
pensive measures would have to be taken to change the 
course of trade and to expel foreign traders. But General 
Gage was very doubtful about the probable efficiency of any 
further regulations. Early in 1767 he declared that it 
would *' not answer to England to be at much expense about 
the Mississippi " so long as better prices prevailed at New 
Orleans.^* Secretary Hillsborough took the same view a 
few years later, in an argument against the planting of 
western colonies : " This Commerce cannot ... be use- 
ful to Great Britain otherwise than as it furnishes a material 
for her Manufactures, but it will on the contrary be prejudi- 
cial to her in proportion as other Countries obtain that 

only 140,000 pounds and the imports were no more than 50,000 
pounds. Suppose the entire fur trade sunk into the sea, where is the 
detriment to this country? Is 50,000 pounds a year imported in that 
article any object for Great Britain to continue a war of which the peo- 
ple of England, by their representatives, have declared their abhorence? 
, . . But much less must this appear in our sight, when I tell Parlia- 
ment, and the whole kingdom, that for many years past, one year with 
another, the preservation of this annual import of 50,000 pounds has 
cost this country, on an average, 800,000 pounds. I have the vouchers 
in my pocket, should your lordships be inclined to examine the fact." 
Pari. Hist., XXIII, 409. 

^*Gage to Johnson, January 19, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, no. 
23. Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort de Chartres during part of 
1768, wrote to Gage: " As I am very sensible of the immense expense 
this Country is to the Crown and the Uttle advantage the public has 
hitherto reaped by the trade with savages, and the reason is that the 
Inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which 
is shipped from thence for Old France and all the money that is laid 
out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for 
which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I hope. Sir, you will 
excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great 
Britain is at all the expence and that France reaps the advantages. " 
Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. 
Commandant Wilkins wrote the same year that "the French of New 
Orleans are the sole gainers in this Trade and the public suffer greatly 
thereby." Wilkins to Gage, September 13, 1768, ibid. 



TRADE CONDITIONS 97 

material from us without its coming here first ; and whilst 
New Orleans is the only Port for Exportation of what goes 
down the Mississippi, no one will believe that that town 
will not be the market for Peltry or that those Restrictions , 
which are intended to secure the exportation of that Com- 
modity directly to G. Britain, can have any effect under 
such circumstances." ^^ 

The original intention of the British government had 
been to use Fort de Chartres, on the east bank of the Mis- 
sissippi between the Illinois and Kaskaskia rivers, to guard 
the rivers in order to prevent contraband trading.^^ But 
its inefficiency was soon apparent.^'' Although well con- 
structed , its location was not strategic ; it commanded 
nothing but an island in the river. ^^ An indication to the 
Indians of British dominion ^^ and a place of deposit for 
English merchants'^ constituted about the sum total of its effi- 
ciency. In order to make the Illinois country effective as 
a barrier against foreign aggression and to keep the trade in 

65 Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, ibid., vol. 126. 

^^Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, ibid., vol. 123. 

^■^Gage to Johnson, February 8, 1767, Johnson MSS. , vol. XIV, no. 
44; Remarks by Gage on Harrington's plan. May 10, 1766, Lansdowne 
MSS., vol. L, p. 53. 

68 " It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island 
which Hes exactly opposite to it, and the Channel is entirely on the 
other side for a great part of the year. This is impassible from a sand 
bar which runs across even for small boats, and the French and Span- 
iards on the other side pass and repass at pleasure with contraband 
goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage and a certain 
and very considerable loss to His Majesty's Revenue." Commandant 
Wilkins to Secretary-at-War Barrington, December 5, 1769, P. R. O., 
Am. and W. I,, vol. 123. See also Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, 
April 24, 1769, Division of Pub. Records, Pa. State Library. 

^9 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766," MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. 
Library; Gage to Johnson, February 8, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, 
no. 44; Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 126. 

^°Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, ibid., vol. 124. 



98 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

English hands, it was necessary to adopt measures looking 
toward the closing of those natural entrances into the 
country, the mouths of the Illinois and the Ohio rivers. " 
Almost all the correspondence of the time relating to 
Illinois, contains references to the practicability of erecting 
forts at the junctions of the Illinois and Ohio rivers with 
the Mississippi. In most cases this was insisted upon as 
the only practicable measure to make the country of 
value. '^^ Suggestions were also offered relative to the erec- 

"Gage to Shelhurne, April 3, 1767, ibid.^ vol. 123; Johnson, 
" Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians," loc. cit.', Morgan 
to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's MS. 
letter book. " A Post up the Mississippi at or near the IHnois 
River might leave to us the greater part of the Trade that is now car- 
ried to the Settlements on the other side." Hutchins, "Remarks 
upon the Country of the Ilinois, 1771 ",'MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library. 
George Groghan wrote: " With respect to the building some new Forts 
there — I conceive they are indispensably necessary, One at the Mouth 
of the Illinois and one on the Wabashe; as they would effectually pre- 
vent the French and Spaniards from entering into the Indian Country 
and thereby seducing the trade from us, to France and Spain. Croghan 
to Franklin, January 27, 1767, Lansdowne MSS. , vol. XLVIII, fol, 135. 

■^2 Gage to HaUfax, August 10, 1765, Dartmouth Papers, Fowteenth 
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., Appendix X, p. 17; Gage to Conway, 
July 15, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 122. " As for the Post 
at, or near the conflux of the Ohio and Mississippi, I have now that 
affair under consideration, and sent the Chief Engineer about six weeks 
ago to survey all that Country." Gage to Brigadier Taylor of Pensa- 
cola, June 26, 1766, B, M., Add. MSS-, 21,662, fol. 220. vSee also 
Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. 
Library; Gage to Johnson, January 25, 1767, Johnson MSS., vol. XIV, 
no. 28; same to same, February 8, 1767, ibid., no. 44; Gage to Shel- 
burne, January 17, 1 767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; 
same to same, April 3, 1767, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 123; 
Johnson, "■ Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians," loc. cit.; 
Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Morgan's 
MS. letter book; Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS. vol. 
XXV, no. 109; Wilkins to Gage, September 13, 1768, P. R. O., Am. 
and W. I., vol, 124; Wilkins to Barrington, December 5, 1769, ibia., 
vol. 125; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 1772, ibid., vol. 126. 
The merchant Morgan wrote from Fort de Chartres in 1768 that " noth- 
ing is wanting but proper Posts at the Illinois River, St. Vincents and 
Manchac, a Civil Government and encouragement to Settlers from the 
Frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia to make this a most 



TRADE CONDITIONS 



99 



tion of a fort on the Mississippi river above its junction 
with the Illinois for the protection of that section of the 
peltry district.''^ Moreover, projects were likewise proposed 
for the establishment of proprietary colonies on the Ohio 
and Illinois rivers. 74 Gage himself suggested that all the 
French villages along the Mississippi be amalgamated into 
one settlement, which would also be the center of the mili- 
tary establishment, and from which detachments could be 
sent out to guard the rivers and prevent British traders 
from descending the stream to New Orleans and likewise 
watch for foreign interlopers."^ 

At one time it was the hope of such men as Gage , John- 
son, Haldimand, and Hillsborough that the opening of the 
Iberville River would prove feasible , thus enabling English 
vessels to reach the British ports of West Florida through 
lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain without going by way of 
New Orleans. This would necessitate the maintenance of 
a post at the junction of the Iberville and Mississippi rivers 
in order to turn English boats into the proposed channel. 
Numerous surveys were made and at one time the work of 
clearing the channel was actually begun. ^^ 

flourishing Colony. Without these means taken 'tis not worth keep- 
ing possession of as to any immediate Advantage resulting therefrom, 
As the English Nation is now at the whole expence of maintaining the 
Country and France reaps all the benefits from the Trade ..." Mor- 
gan's MS. letter book. 

'2 Gordon's "Journal down the Ohio, 1766", MS. in Hist. Soc. Pa. 
Library; Morgan to Baynton and Wharton, December 10, 1767, Mor- 
gan's MS. letter book. " It is acknowledged by the French themselves, 
that should a Settlement be made at Cape au Ores on the Mississippi, 
about 250 miles above the Illinois river, those on the French side would 
be ruined as it would draw and intercept the Trade of the upper Miss- 
issippi." Hutchins, "Remarks upon the Ilinois Country, 1771 ", MS. 
in Hist. Soc. Pa. Library. 

T*See below, ch. VI. 

^5 Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. ,124. 

"^^Gage to Taylor, June 10, 1766, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,662, fol. 



lOO THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

None of these projects, however, were ever adopted. 
One of the principal reasons for this apparent neglect may 
well be summed up in a statement by Hillsborough, who 
appeared by 1770 to have given up the hope of any im- 
mediate advantages from the West. He declared in that 
year that under existing conditions " Forts and Military 
Establishments at the Mouths of the Ohio and IlHnois 
Rivers, admitting that they would be effectual to the attain- 
ment of the objects in view, would yet, I fear, be attended 
with an expence to this Kingdom greatly disproportionate 
to the advantage proposed to be gained. . ."" 

The matter of expense was not the only reason why the 
government refused to- adopt any of the schemes suggested 
for the betterment of western conditions. The ministry had 
in mind a different plan, which if carried out would have 
completely changed the situation. The idea of the con- 
quest of Louisiana from Spain was kept in mind during the 
greater part of the period under consideration and received 
more serious thought than perhaps any other western plan. 
Much of the correspondence between Gage and Brigadier 
Haldimand, the English commander in West Florida, re- 
lated to the best method of attacking New Orleans, and 
many official and private letters also contained expressions 

214; same to same, June 26, 1766, ibid.\ Taylor to Gage, January 23, 
1767, ibid., 21,671; Gage to Haldimand, March 20, 1767, ibid., 
21,66t,, fol. 14; same to same, April 16, 1767, Can. Arch., series 
B, vol. 3, p. 24; same to same, April 30, 1767, B. M., Add. MSS., 
21,663, fol. 33; Captain Home to Haldimand, May 6, 1767, Can. 
Arch., series B, vol. 68, p. 173; Hillsliorough to Gage, July 31, 1770, 
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Gage to Hillsborough, November 
10, 1770, ibid.; Gordon's " Notes on the Country along the Mississippi 
from Kaskaskia in the Illinois to New Orleans ", MS. copy in Cham- 
paign, 111., Pub. Library; Hutchins to Haldimand, April 8, 1773, B. 
M., Add. MSS., 21,730, fol. 25; Pittman, Etiropean SettleJiieiiis on 
the Miss. , ed. Hodder, 62-63. 

" Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 126. 



TRADE CONDITIONS loi 

favorable to such a move.^^ In 1 770-1 77 1? when the 
Falkland Islands dispute was about to drag England and 
Spain into war, the opportunity had apparently come for 
the proposed conquest. Early in 177 1 Secretary Hills- 
borough issued orders to Gage in New York to mobilize an 
army and prepare for an immediate descent upon New 
Orleans by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.'^ Gage's 
preparations, however, were never completed, for the ques- 
tion at issue was settled peacefully.^" 

In the beginning Great Britain had hoped to realize in 
the development of the fur trade one of her chief returns 
for taking over the western country. But her traders found 
the French hard to dislodge. The character and methods 
of the French fur traders appealed to the Indians, and 
England's failure to realize more from the trade may be 
traced in part to this cause. Moreover, that portion of the 
western trade which went to the English centered in a large 
degree in a foreign port. With the means at hand attempts 
were made to check this tendency, and numerous plans 
were projected to induce a change of conditions, but no 
expensive measures were undertaken. The problem of the 
western trade confronted the ministry at a most unfortunate 
time , for during the decade following the treaty of Paris 
questions of graver importance were arising and demanding 
immediate attention. The necessity became apparent of 
increasing the revenue for purposes of imperial defence 
and of colonial administration, and the question of the re- 
adjustment of all the relations between the mother country 

^8 See, for example, George Phyn to Johnson, April 15, 1768, John- 
son MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109; Gage to Hillsborough, November 10, 
1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126; Hillsborough to Gage, 
July 31, 1770, ibid.; Reasons for the Establishment of a Colony in 
Illinois, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.^, vols. XXVII, XXVIII. 

T9 January 2, 1 771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. 

*° For a fuller account of the movement see below, ch. VII. 



I02 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and the colonies was thereby introduced. When the colo- 
nial opposition to Parliamentary taxation manifested itself 
in the outcry against the Stamp Act and other revenue 
measures, the expenditure of large sums of money on new 
projects was out of the question. Instead of seeking new 
schemes upon which to expend money, every opportunity 
was seized upon to curtail expenses. ^^ We find that not 
only was the plan for the management of Indians outlined 
in 1764 never put into full operation because of the added 
financial burden which it would entail, but also that in 1768 
the management of the trade was transferred from the 
crown to the colonies ^^ in order that the budget might be 
further reduced. The western question had become sub- 
ordinated to that of the empire. Furs were important to 
the manufacturing monopoly of Great Britain, but at this 
time of rising discontent in the colonies any new projects 
entailing further expense were out of the question. 

^^ The following extract from a letter of General Gage to Brigadier 
Taylor of Pensacola, illustrates something of the situation: "I have 
no doubt of the Exactitude or Necessity of the Expenses incurred, and 
would beg you to believe so, but the strictest Oeconomy is become the 
general Topick, and is recommended in every letter I receive from 
Home; in Compliance therewith, It's my part to notify the several 
Military Commanders what's hoped for, and expected by His Majesty's 
Ministers . . . ; Estimates of the probable Expences of every Department 
have been expected in almost every Letter, and imply no more, than 
that a Calculation may be made therefrom, of the necessary Expences 
of North,America, which being laid before P'arliament, a Fund may be 
appropriated for the same. . ." March 20, 1767,6. M., Add. MSS., 
21,663, fob 12. 

82 Hillsborough to Johnson, April 15, 1768, N. V. Col. nocs.,YUl, 
57-58. In this letter the secretary announced the new plan, and de- 
clared that it was due largely to the necessity of curtailing expenses. 
Alvord, ///. Hts^. Colls., II, xxix, misinterprets this measure. He says 
it was done for the purpose of turning the channel of trade up the 
Ohio. Within a year it was evident that this change made conditions 
worse. The Indians were aggrieved because of the removal of the 
commissaries and interpreters, and the trade conditions in the interior 
country became worse through lack of supervision. See Johnson to 
Hillsborough, August 26, 1769, N. V. Col. Docs., VIII, 184. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Schemes for the Colonization of the Illinois Country, 

1763-1768. 

The first step in the establishment of British colonies 
west of the Alleghany Mountains was in 1738, when the 
assembly of the colony of Virginia established Augusta 
County, with the Blue Ridge Mountains as the eastern 
boundary and the ''utmost limits of Virginia" as the 
western and northwestern.^ In spite of French claims to 
this region, the old sea-to-sea charters still possessed a po- 
tential value in the minds of the colonists, and from this 
time on there was a steady move westward. Gradually, to- 
ward the middle of the century, the more enterprising and 
farsighted of the colonists who appreciated the future value 
of the region began to lay plans for its systematic exploita- 
tion. In 1748, shortly after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
the Ohio Company, composed of London merchants and 
Virginia land speculators, obtained from the crown a grant 
of land south of the Ohio River. This was the precursor 
of several companies formed for similar purposes. In 1754 
the question of western expansion had become of sufficient 
importance to engage the attention of the Albany Congress 
and plans for the creation of western colonies were discussed 
by that body.^ The following year Samuel Hazard of 

'Alden, New Governments West of the AUeghanies before lySo 
(University of Wisconsin Bulletin, vol. II, no. i), i. 
^ Ibid., 1-3. No attempt is made in this study to add any new con- 

103 



104 ^-^-^ ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Philadelphia outlined a proposition looking toward the 
formation of a western colony/ probably the first which 
comprehended the Illinois country. 

The treaty of cession in 1763 gave a new impetus to the 
colonizing spirit which had lain dormant during the early 
years of the war. The English now believed that they 
were free to occupy at will the unsettled lands as far west- 
ward as the Mississippi River. Pamphlet literature was 
printed and disseminated throughout England and America 
from 1763 on, advocating the feasibility and necessity of 
settling the new lands. Soon after the conclusion of peace 
there appeared in Edinburgh a pamphlet entitled The Ex- 
pediency of securing our Americaii Colonies by settling the 
country adjoining the River Mississippi^ which pointed out 
the expediency of locating a colony between the Ohio and 
Mississippi rivers and the fresh-water lakes to the north- 
ward. Such a colony, the author set forth, would give 
Great Britain command of the continent, would serve as a 
protection against the incursions of French and Indians, 
and secure the fur trade of the Northwest. * The govern- 
ment was urged to encourage settlers by giving lands on 
easy tenure, and by furnishing cattle, tools, and other 
necessaries. The colonists should also be given " a set of 
well contrived good rules with respect to their constitution, 
policy, economy and order, wise prudent Governors, and a 
sufficient number of able approven Clergymen and teach- 
ers."^ There were doubtless many other pamphlets issued 

tribution to the period preceding 1763. Mr. Alden's monograph in- 
cludes an account of all the projects during that period, such as 
Hazard's, Pownall's, and Franklin's earlier plan. 

^Alden, New Governvients West of the Alleghanies befo7-e 1780, 
7-1 1. ^ Ibid., 16. 

^ Expeaiency of Securing our American Colonies, 43. For a sum- 
mary of other details see Alden, New Governments West of the Alle- 
ghanies, 14. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 105 

during the period of land fever, descriptive of the new 
country and its possibilities, of which we have no record.^ 

Throughout the colonies and in England many of the 
leading men as well as the more venturesome pioneers on 
the borders of New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia were 
ready to take an active hand in the exploitation of the rich 
lands lying to the westward. Early in the summer of 1763, 
before the British ministry had had time to consider and 
determine upon its policy toward the new acquisitions, there 
was formed an organization known as the Mississippi Land 
Company , ^ for the purpose of planting a colony in the 
Illinois and Wabash regions. In this project some of 
the most prominent residents of Virginia and Maryland 
were directly interested ; indeed, membership in the organi- 
zation was drawn almost entirely from those two colonies 
and from England. Some of the original members of the 
company were George, Samuel, and John Washington ; the 
Lees — William, Thomas, Francis Lightfoot, Richard Henry, 
and Arthur ; Henry and William Fitzhugh , Presly Thorn- 
ton, and Benedict Calvert.^ There were thirty-eight sub- 

6 In this connection the following is of interest: " As the happy pos- 
session of the lUinois Country is the wSubject of much conversation, both 
in England and America, we beg leave to inclose, — a small pamphlet, 
wrote lately, on a very interesting point— to wit, The Establishment of 
a Civil Government there. The Author has borrowed some of his Sen- 
timents from De. Pratz." Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 128. 

^Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Company, P. R. 
O. , Chatham Papers, vol. 97. Another copy, in the handwriting of 
George Washington, is in the Library of Congress. This has recently 
been printed by A. B. Hulbert in Ohio Arch, and Hist. Publications.^ 
XVII, 436-439. Most of the information concerning the proposition 
comes from a collection of papers relating to the company and its trans- 
actions, all in the handwriting of William Lee, which was found in a 
miscellaneous collection of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Pubhc 
Record Office. 

5 Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Company, P. R. 
0., Chatham Papers, vol. 97. 



io6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

scribers to the agreement, but the company was eventually 
to be composed of fifty members who 'were to contribute 
equally towards the maintenance of an agent in England.^ 
To this agent was intrusted the duty of soliciting from the 
crown a grant of two million five hundred thousand acres 
of land on the Mississippi^*^ and its tributaries, the Wabash 
and Ohio rivers, including not only the so-called Illinois 
country of that time , but the western portion of the present 
States of Kentucky and Tennessee. ^^ 

In their petitions the memorialists enumerated the ad- 
vantages which would accrue to the empire in case the land 
were granted, especial emphasis being laid on two points of 
view, commerce and defense. "The Increase of the peo- 
ple, the extension of trade and the enlargement of the 
revenue are with certainty to be expected, where the fer- 
tility of the soil, and mildness of the Climate invite 
emigrants (provided they can obtain Lands on easy terms) 

^ Ibid. The first agent in London was Thomas Gumming, who was 
also a stockholder in the company, Memorial to the Crown, Septem- 
ber 9, 1763, ibid. Cumming's successor was Arthur Lee, Petition to 
the Crown, December 12, 1768, ibid., printed in Butler, Hist, of Ky., 
381-383; see also petition of company in Privy Council Office, Unbound 
Papers, 1768. 

^^ Memorial to the Crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at 
Belleview, Va. , September 9, 1763, P. R. O., Chatham Papers, vol. 
97, printed below in the Documentary Appendix, no. i. 

^^ For the boundaries of the proposed grant, see below, Documentary 
Appendix, no. i. The original articles of agreement do not give the 
exact location of the proposed grant. The subscribers were to be free 
to retain their lands twelve years, or more at the pleasure of the crown, 
without the payment of taxes or quit rents. Within the same period 
also the company was to be obliged to settle two hundred families in 
the colony, unless prevented by Indians or a foreign enemy. In order 
to insure against any such interruption it was hinted that the govern- 
ment might establish and garrison two forts, one at the confluence of 
the Cherokee and Ohio rivers, and the other at the mouth of the Ohio. 
Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. I. The last sug- 
gestion was withdrawn four years later at the suggestion of their Lon- 
don agent, Thomas C'umming. Letter of the company to Cumming, 
March i, 1767, P. R. C, Chatham Papers, vol. 97. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 107 

to settle and cultivate commodities most wanted by Great 
Britain and which will bear the charges of a tedious naviga- 
tion , b)y the high prices usually given for them, — such as 
Hemp, Flax, Silk, Wine, Potash, Cochineal, Indigo, Iron, 
etc., by which means the Mother Country will be supplied 
with many necessary materials, that are now purchased of 
foreigners at a very great expense." ^^ 

From the point of view of both trade and defense, the 
company proposed ' ' that by conducting a trade useful to 
the Indians on the borders of the Mississippi they will 
effectually prevent the success of that cruel policy, which 
has ever directed the French even in time of peace, to 
prevail with the Indians their Neighbors to lay waste the 
frontiers of Your Majestie's Colonies thereby to prevent 
their increase." ^^ 

Lastly the establishment of a buffer colony would effec- 
tually prevent the probable encroachment of the French 
from the west side of the Mississippi and cut off their politi- 
cal and commercial relations with the Indians. They would 
*' thereby be prevented from instigating them to War, and 
the harrassing the frontier Counties as they have constantly 
done of all the Colonies." ^^ 



^2 Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. i. Some of 
the members declared their intention of becoming early settlers in the 
new colony. The richness of the soil and mildness of the climate be- 
yond the mountains, coupled with the " dearness and preoccupancy of 
the lands, within their respective colonies" which rendered it "im- 
practicable to make a proper landed provision for their numerous fami- 
lies; a circumstance which begins already to restrain early marriage, 
and therefore speedy population ", were set forth as reasons for their 
determination, Petition to the Crown, December 16, 1768, printed in 
Butler. Hist, of Ky., 381-383. It may be noted that no suggestion is 
made with reference to the form of government for the proposed colony. 

*^ Memorial to the Crown, Documentary Appendix, no. i. 

^* Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, September 26, 1 763, 
P. R. O., Chatham Papers, vol. 97. 



io8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

The plan received its first official check in the year of 
its inception, when in October, 1763, the British ministry- 
announced its western policy in a proclamation according 
to which all the territory lying north of the Floridas and 
west of the Alleghanies was reserved for the use of the In- 
dians/^ Thereafter the colonial governors were forbidden 
to issue patents for land within this reservation without the 
consent of the crown. ^® However, the enunciation of this 
policy did not deter the Mississippi Land Company and 
similar organizations from pressing their claims upon the 
Board of Trade. The more farsighted of the Americans 
had probably correctly interpreted the proclamation as temi- 
porary in character and as promulgated to allay the minds 
of the savages. " The Mississippi Company therefore con- 
tinued to solicit the grant until 1769, when it was decided 
that on account of the temper of the ministry towards 
America, it would be advisable to drop the affair for a time 
in the hope that a change of ministry would bring a cor- 

^^ Can. Const. Docs., ly^g-iygi, 122. See also above, ch. II, pp. 
13-14- 

16 Ibid. 

1'' " I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but 
this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet 
the minds of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years, 
especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the 
lands." Washington to Crawford, September 21, 1767, Writmgs of 
Washington, ed. Ford, II, 220-221. The report of the Board of 
Trade on Indian affairs in 1769 admitted these claims to be '*mere 
provisional arrangements, adopted to the exigence of the time." Pa. 
Archives, IV, 315. The same opinion is expressed in " Remarks on 
Lord Barrington's Plan. no. 2 " (1766), Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 
78. For an extreme example of the notion held by some members of 
the govermnent that the proclamation of 1763 should be strictly ad- 
hered to and that all western military posts should be abandoned and ^ 
general restrictive policy toward the West adopted, see Lord Barring- 
ton's Plan relative to the Out Posts, Indian Trade, etc., 10 May, 1766, 
Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, pp. 49-61. Barrington, who was Secretary 
at "War, reveals a remarkable ignorance of western affairs. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 



109 



responding change of policy. ^^ But at no time does it 
appear that the promoters of the colony received the 
slightest encouragement from those in authority. ^^ 

About the time of the organization of the Mississippi 
Company in 1 763 , General Charles Lee '^° outlined a scheme 



^^ Letter to William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, P. R. O., Chat- 
ham Papers, vol. 97. 

^^ No account of any further activity on the part of the company has 
been found. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the 
Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his in- 
terest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers 
contains the following indorsement: " Mississippi Co*. Papers, sent to 
the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 20th of 
April 1774." Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said: 
" Another society solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois, 
Ohio and on the Mississippi : this was likewise rejected; but from what 
motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers in- 
vested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to 
act as the instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those 
whose views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; 
and if reduced, to full pay." I.ee Papei's, IV (A^. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., 
Fund series, VII), 98. Benjamin Franklin apparently knew nothing 
of the existence of the company until 1768. He states in his famous 
reply to Hillsborough, Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 44: "Consistent, 
however, with our knowledge, no more than one proposition for the 
settlement of a part of the lands in question has been presented to 
government and that was from Dr. Lee, thirty-two other Americans, 
and two Londoners, in the year of 1768, praying that his Majesty 
would grant to them without any purchase-money, two million five 
hundred thousand acres of land, in one or more surveys, to be located 
between the thirty-eighth and forty-second degree of latitude and over 
the Alleghany Mountains . . . " The company is mentioned in Co7i- 
siderations on the Agreement . . . wt'l/i the Honourable Thomas Wal- 
pole . . , 25-26, as being comprised of "thirty-three gentlemen of 
character and fortune in Virginia and Maryland, several of whom were 
of his Majesty's council in Virginia, and many of them, members of 
the house of assembly, both of that colony and of the province of 
Maryland." Perkins, An7ials of the PVest, 130 ; Sato, Hist, of the Land 
Question in the U- S., 25; H. B. Adams, Jl/aryland's Influence upon 
the Land Cessions to the U. S., 14; De Hass, History of the Early 
Settlement and L-ndian Wars of Western Virginia, 139, and the author 
of Plain Facts, 69, all note the existence of the company, but place the 
date of its organization in 1767. The first three quote from Plain 
Facts. 

^°The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame. 



no THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

for the establishment of two colonies, one on the Ohio 
River below its junction with the Wabash, and the other on 
the Illinois River. ^^ It was his plan to organize a company 
and petition the crown for the necessary grants of land.^^ A 
portion of the settlers were to be procured in New England, 
and the remainder from among the Protestants of Germany 
and Switzerland.^'^ In narrating the probable advantages 
to be derived from such settlements, Lee takes practically 
the same point of view as the promoters of the Mississippi 
Company, adding the suggestion that a new channel of 
commerce would be opened up through the Mississippi 
River and the Gulf of Mexico.^* This proposal suffered 
the same fate as its contemporary in being rejected by the 
ministry, whose policy of allowing no settlements in the 
country beyond the mountains had been too recently 
adopted. ^^ Apparently the authors of these projects did 
not have the ear of such members of the ministry as Lord 
Shelburne, whose general attitude gave some ground for 
the belief that in the end plans for western settlements 
would be adopted. '^'^ 

The next definite schemes of which we have knowledge 
appeared in 1766, although it is probable that there were 
many others,^'' for during those years half of England was 

"^"^ Lee Papers, IV, 214; Draper, Life of Boone (MS.), HI, 266; 
Sparks, Life of Charles Lee, 19. 

"^"^ Lee Papers, IV, 214. 

23 Ibid. 24 jiid^ 25 ji,i^^ 

2<5B. Franklin to W. Franklin, September 27 and October ii, 1766, 
and June i3,Avip;ust 28, and November 25, 1767, in Franklin's Works, 
ed. Bigelow, IV, 138-144; Shelburne to Gage, November 14, 1767, 
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 123. 

2'^ See for example references to Colonel Bouquet's proposition in 
Bouquet to Franklin, August 22, 1764, Franklin Papers (Am. Phil. 
Soc. ), vol. I, no. 94, summarized in Calendar of the Franklin Papers, 
ed. Hays, I, 31. Among the papers in the Lansdowne collection are 
a number which discuss the matter in general terms. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 



III 



said to have been *' New Land mad and every body there 
has their eye fixt on this Country." '^^ It is hardly prob- 
able, therefore, that the few definite proposals of which 
we have record were the only plans projected during those 
years. Indeed the colonial plan of 1766, promoted by 
prominent merchants and land speculators of New York, 
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, had its origin, we may 
safely say, as early as January, 1764. At that time the 
Board of Trade received a communication from one of the 
promoters, George Croghan, who was then in England ,^^ 
asking their Lordships '^whether it would not be good 
policy at this time while we certainly have it in our power 
to secure all the advantages we have got there by making 
a purchase of the Indians inhabiting the Country along the 
Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio up to the sources 
of the River Illinois, and there plant a respectable colony, 
in order to secure our frontiers, and prevent the French 
from any attempt to rival us in the Fur trade with the 
Natives , by drawing the Ohio and Lake Indians over the 
Mississippi, which they have already attempted by the last 
accounts we have from Detroit. " ^^ In spite of the recent 
announcement in the proclamation of 1763 of the land 
policy of the government, which interdicted all settlements 
beyond the line of the Alleghanies, without royal consent, 
the ministry at this time must have been favorably im- 

28 Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., voL XII, 
no. 127. 

29 Sir William Johnson sent his agent Croghan to England to sound 
the ministry on the question of the boundary" between the frontier and 
the Indian territory. Winsor, Westward Movement^ 9; cf. also N. Y. 
Col. Docs., VII, 603. Croghan was also instructed to petition the gov- 
ernment for a grant of land south of the Ohio to satisfy the claims of 
the Ohio company, and of those soldiers whom Dinwiddle had enlisted 
in 1754 with promises of land, Winsor, Westward Movei7ient, 8. 

30 tV. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. 



112 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

pressed by Croghan's advice, for the latter informs us a few 
months later that " there is a talk of setleing a Colony from 
the mouth of the Ohio to the Illinois, which I am tould 
Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr. 
pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for to 
attend the board of Trade, what Meshures they will Take 
the Lord knows, but nothing is talkt of except Oconomy." ^^ 
No further action, however, was taken at this time. But 
the tentative proposition thus suggested to the Board was 
in essence the same plan that Croghan and his associates 
developed two years later. In the general outline of Cro- 
ghan's earlier plan there is no suggestion that he intended 
to include the cultivated lands of the French inhabitants of 
the Illinois villages who might leave that country after the 
occupation by the British. ^^ Two years subsequently, how- 
ever. Sir William Johnson, Croghan's superior in the Indian 
department in America and his constant associate in colo- 
nizing enterprises, in a communication to the Board of 
Trade, gave as his opinion that '' some of the present In- 
habitants may possibly incline to go home , and our Traders 
will, I dare say, chuse to purchase their rights, this may be 
the foundation for a Valuable Colony in that Country, . . . 
this may be effected in time, and large concessions ob- 
tained of the Natives." ^^ The idea of basing a colony in 

^^ Croghan to Johnson, March lo, 1764, Johnson MSS, , vol, VIII, 
no. 202. The style of the letter is characteristic of Croghan. His 
official letters, however, were usually put into form by some one else. 

^^ Later, however, he adopted that idea, Croghan to Johnson, March 
30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127, 

3^ Johnson to Lords of Trade, January 31, 1766, iV, Y. Col. Docs. ^ 
VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois villages 
in 1766 to bring about a general pacification of the Indians, Johnson 
wrote him: " So soon as I hear farther from the General [Gage] I 
shall write you and send the Instructions in which I shall insert an 
Article directing you to enquire into the French Bounds and Property 
at the Illinois. I have no objection to what you propose on that sub- 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 113 

part upon lands vacated by the French was also taken up 
and emphasized a few weeks later by General Gage. 

Very early in the period of the British occupation of the 
West the chief representatives of the military department, 
upon whom devolved the responsibility of governing the 
territory, became exceedingly embarrassed on account of 
the immense expense which the department was called 
upon to meet in providing for the maintenance of garrisons 
among the French inhabitants scattered throughout the 
Indian country. In 1766, the year of the repeal of the 
Stamp Act, the imperial government was conscious not 
only of the necessity of maintaining in America a force 
sufficient to put down a probable uprising of the Indians 
and to guard the country against French encroachments, 
but also of the obligation to curtail expenses. General 
Gage, therefore, became keenly alive to the necessity of 
resorting to some expedient to reduce the enormous cost 
of transporting provisions and other necessities from the 
seacoast to such distant parts as Fort de Chartres. With 
reference to the Illinois country in particular, he reported 
to the home government'* that he was '' a good deal dis- 
appointed that any Demand should be made for Provisions, 
as the country used to abound with it, and none can be 
supplied from our Provisions, but with great difficulty, and 
at enormous Expense." <' This want," he continued, 
'* must arise from the Inhabitants abandoning their Farms 
to go over to the new French Settlements, and the only 
method which appears to me the most proper to obviate 

ject there, and as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will 
have the better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the 
value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, March 28, 1766, 
Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 121. » / > 

3* Gage to Conway, March 28, 1766, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc Pa.), 
vol. XX. ^ '^ 



114 ^^^ ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Difficulties on account of Food, as well as to strengthen 
those parts at the least Expense, is to grant the Lands de- 
serted by the French, which I presume forfeited, as well as 
other Lands unsettled , using necessary Precautions to avoid 
Disputes with the Indians, to the British Settlers. All En- 
deavours must be used to procure a Supply of Provisions 
upon the Spot, and I have directed the Officer command- 
ing to get seed, and try to make his men cultivate the 
Ground near the Fort." Gage next proposed, as we have 
already noted in another connection ,^^ that a military gov- 
ernor be appointed immediately for the Illinois country, on 
account of the distance of the villages from any of the Eng- 
lish provinces and because of their proximity to the French 
settlements on the Spanish side of the river, which would 
make any other form of government impracticable. Am- 
plifying his idea further he declared that " Lands should be 
granted without Delay, by any Person authorized properly 
to do it ; but no fees to be taken by the person who grants, 
or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons what- 
ever : That no large Tracts should be given, but the Lands 
granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred and Fifty or 
Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless perhaps to Half 
Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres. 
People may be tempted on these Advantages to transport 
themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed Corn and Tools 
for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held 
of the King on condition of Military Service, and such 
other Obligations as shall be convenient." 

It has seemed necessary to go into Gage's plan in some 
detail because in the first place it represents an attitude 
toward western colonization quite contrary to the position 
he assumed a few years later, when he strongly opposed 

^^ See above, ch. II, pp. 18-19, 



SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 5 

such movements. ^^ In addition these details give us some 
perception of the purposes which Gage had in mind in the 
estabhshment of a colony , the saving of the heavy expense 
incurred in transporting provisions into the interior, and to 
protect the empire , by a buffer colony , from possible in- 
cursions of French and Spanish. 

Although not connected with any other projects of the 
time this proposal of General Gage undoubtedly gave some 
encouragement to the promoters of a larger colony, who 
now began to develop the ideas of Croghan and Johnson 
into something tangible. About the same time Governor 
William Franklin of New Jersey, together with the Phila- 
delphia firm of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, and Joseph 
Galloway and John Hughes, also of the colony of Pennsyl- 
vania, conceived the idea of forming a land company for 
the definite purpose of purchasing such lands at the Illinois 
villages as the French might desire to sell, as well as to ob- 
tain a grant for other lands in the adjoining country. Ac- 
cordingly, in March, 1766, they drew up some articles of 
agreement " for the proposed company, which provided 
among other things that application was to be made to the 
crown for a grant of i ,200,000 acres of land in the Illinois 
country or ''more if to be procured".''^ Provision was also 
made for ten equal shareholders, the stipulation to be 
subject to change in case others desired to enter the com- 
pany. ^^ Apparently Sir William Johnson and his deputy, 
Croghan, were not directly concerned in the formation of 
this company, but they were immediately invited to enter, 

^^ See below. 

"Articles of Agreement, dated March 29, 1766, MS. in Hist. Soc. 
Pa, Library. 

^^Articles of Agreement, March 29, 1766. ^'^ Ibid. 



ii6 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and Croghan, who was then in Philadelphia, signed the 
contract on behalf of himself and Johnson.*" 

The land company thus organized was intended to be the 
foundation of a permanent colony in the northwest coun- 
try. Governor Franklin, in a letter to his father. Dr. 
Franklin, who was at the time in London as agent for the 
colony of Pennsylvania, explained the proposition to him 
as follows : "A few of us, from his [Croghan's] Encourage- 
ment, have form'd a Company to Purchase of the French 
Settled at the Illinois, such Lands as they have a good 
Title to, and are inclined to dispose of. But as I thought 
it would be of little Avail to buy Lands in that Country, 
unless a Colony were established there, I have drawn up 
some Proposals for that Purpose, which are much approved 
of by Col. Croghan and the other Gent", concerned in 
Philad^ and are sent by them to S'. W. for his Sentiments 
which when we receive, the whole will be forwarded to 

^° Writing to Johnson, March 30, Croghan explained: " Soon after 
my Return here [Philadelphia] from your Honour's I wrote you about 
the Scheme of purchasing whatever Grants the french was possess'd of 
in the Illinois Country and imform'd your Honour that Governor 
franklin with some other Gentlemen hear had form'd the same scheme 
and offered me to be concerned with them and your Honour, since w'h 
I have agreed with them in behalf of your Honour and myself . . . 
itt is likewise preposed to apply for a grant of 1200,000 acres to the 
crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentle- 
men of Fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and 
those other Gentlemen Desire to know whome your Honour wold 
chouse to be concerned, and that you wold write to them if you should 
nott name ye whole you would chouse they Designe to Save y Nomina- 
tion of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the 
proposals to . . . " Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127. According 
to the Articles of Agreement, as we have them, there were to be ten 
equal shareholders, but Croghan informs Johnson that the persons and 
shares were as follows: Sir WiUiam Johnson, 2/16, Governor Franklin, 
2/16, John Baynton, 2/16, George Croghan, 2/16, Samuel Wharton, 
2/16, George Morgan, 2/16, Joseph Wharton, Jr., 1/16, Joseph Whar- 
ton, Sr. , 1/16, John Hughes, 1/16, and Joseph Galloway, 1/16, ibid. 
It may be suggested that possibly a different arrangement was made 
after the signing of the original contract. 



SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 1 7 

you. It is proposed that the Comp^. shall consist of 12 
now in America, and if you like the Proposals, you will be 
at Liberty to add yourself, and such other gentlemen of 
Character and Fortune in England as you may think will be 
likely to promote the Undertaking. ' ' *^ 

The proposals mentioned in Governor Franklin's letter 
were outlined by him along with the Articles of Agreement ; 
indeed the substance of the latter was included in the pro- 
posals for a colony.^'- Franklin enumerates a number of 
reasons why the establishment of a colony on the Mississippi 
River and its environs was desirable. The attention of the 
ministry was called to some of the natural products of the 
Illinois and the Mississippi valley countries and to the many 
advantages of soil and climate over other regions of North 
America. He declared that if the lands on the Mississippi 
were settled " we should be enabled to supply all Europe 
with those commodities, and at a far cheaper Rate than 
they could be afforded from any other Country." The 
adaptability of the western country to tlie cultivation of 
tobacco, hemp, flax, indigo, and silk was positively affirmed. 
*' Great Britain might also ", he continued, '' be furnished 
from thence with Cotton, Copper, Iron, Pot Ash, Wine, 
Salt Petre, a great variety of valuable Medicinal Drugs, and 

*i April 30, 1766, Franklin Papers (Am. Phil. Soc), II, no. 17. 
He observes further that " Mr. Galloway has met with a Pamphlet at 
Mr. Hill's on the Subject, which I wish I had seen before I had drawn 
up the Proposals, as it might have afforded some Hints. However, as 
I believe you have not seen it, it being printed, and I believe wrote in 
Scotland, I send it enclosed. You will find your Name ment. in it, 
page 52." The reference to the pamphlet is doubtless to Expediency 
of Securing our American Colonies by Settling the Country adjoining 
the River Mississippi. 

*^ " Reasons for establishing a British Colony at the Illinois with 
some proposals for carrying the same into immediate Execution ", B. 
T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vols. XXVII-XXVHI; Franklm Papers 
(Am. Phil. Soc), vol. LVIII, no. 4. See Documentary Appendix, 
no. 2. 



ii8 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

other Articles, which, with those mentioned before, make 
the great Ballance of Trade against the Nation, and drain 
it of its Treasure." 

Speaking more specifically of the district of Illinois, he 
asserted confidently that Great Britain would " carry on a 
more extensive and advantageous Fur-Trade, with the 
numerous Indian Nations which reside near the Lakes and 
the different Branches of the Mississippi, than was ever 
known since the first settlement of America — Supplying 
them with British Manufactures to a vast Amount." It is 
pointed out that the French could not rival the English in 
that branch of commerce because the latter could transport 
goods through Pennsylvania and Virginia to the West much 
more cheaply than could be done from New Orleans up the 
Mississippi. " For want of this Opening thro' the middle 
Provinces of North America to the Mississippi, the French 
never had it in their Power to reap so much advantage from 
that Country as the English now may." 

Governor Franklin then raised the question of the most 
efficacious method of supporting the posts which had so 
recently been taken from the French. The solution offered 
was the establishment of a colony with a civil government. 
This, it will be noticed, differed from the plan of Gage, in 
that he believed a military government best suited to the 
circumstances. '■'• If We have not a Colony on the Spot to 
support the Posts We are now possessed of in that Country, 
the French who have a Fort and an increasing Settlement 
on the opposite Shore of the Mississippi, will have it in 
their Power, by means of their influence with the Indians, 
to intercept our Supplies, interrupt our Trade, and ultimately 
cutt off all Communication between the Illinois and the 
present English Colonies." The suggestion was made that 
a well-estabhshed colony would not only prevent the French 



SCHEMES FCR COLONIZATION 



119 



and Indians from interfering, but the English would be en- 
abled to dispossess the French of the remainder of Louisiana, 
'* should a future War make it expedient ". 

The more important proposals submitted for the conside- 
ration of the ministry were : ^^ ( i ) To purchase from the 
Indians all their rights to the territory in the Illinois coun- 
try, not already occupied by the French. (2) To establish 
a civil government. ** (3) To lay out the proposed land 
grant in townships.*^ (4) To give grants to provincial officers 

^^To each proposal was appended a paragraph of remarks, which 
may have been added by Sir William Johnson, to whom ihe proposals 
had been sent for such amendments or alterations as he thought neces- 
sary. Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, 
no. 127; Governor Franklin to his father, April 30, 1766, Franklin 
Papers (Am. Phil. Soc. ), II, 17. 

**The promoters of the colony evidently thought that the govern- 
ment intended to establish a civil government in the West. In the 
Articles of Agreement of the land company, we find the statement that, 
*'it is expected that a Civil Government will be established by his 
Majesty in the Illinois country at or near Fort Chartres. " Croghan 
about the same time wrote: " By Leters from England there is the 
greatest reason to believe that a government will soon take place there, 
if so a thing of this Kind must be very valuable provided we succeed." 
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 
127. John Baynton, one of the original subscribers, and a prominent 
merchant of Philadelphia, wrote to James Rumsey that a civil govern- 
ment was soon to be formed in the Illinois country, March I, 1766, 
Ohio Company Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), I, 52. Kote also the refer- 
ence in note 6, above. The following extract is of interest in this con- 
nection : "In case of laying aside the superintendents [of Indian 
affairs], a provision is thought of for Sir William Johnson. He will 
be made governor of the new colony." B. P'ranklin to his son, August 
28, 1767, Works, ed, Bigelow, IV, 141. 

^^ ]'>vidently the authors of the proposals made use of the suggestions 
in Smith's Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio In- 
dians. " Let all the Lands which may be granted within the first 
twenty years be laid out in Townships, after the manner practised in 
some of the New England Colonies, or according to the Plan laid down 
in the Historical Account of the Expedition under Colonel Bouquet, 
lately published (quod vide)." In this work the township system as we 
know it to-day was outlined. The work is most available now in the 
Ohio Valley Historical Series, see below in Bibliography. Sir William 
Johnson was doubtless familiar with the work, for in January, 1766, 



I20 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

and soldiers who served in the French war. (5) To concede 
mines and minerals to the owners of the land in which they 
may be found, except royal mines, from which the crown 
might reserve one fifth/^ (6) To reserve five hmidred acres 
in every township for the maintenance of a clergyman of the 
Established Church of England.''^ (7) To bound the colony 
as follows : " From the mouth of the Ouisconsin (or Wis- 
consing) River down the Mississippi agreeable to Treaty, 
to the Fork or Mouth of the Ohio. Then up the same 
River Ohio to the River Wabash, thence up the same River 
Wabash to the Portage at the head thereof, Then by the 
said Portage to the River Miamis and down the said River 
Miamis to Lake Erie. Thence along the several Courses 
of the said Lake to Riviere al Ours (or Bear River) and up 
the said River thereof, and from thence in a Straight Line, 
or by the Portage of St. Joseph's River and down the same 
River to Lake Michigan, then along the several Courses of 
said Lake on the South and West Side thereof to the point 
of Bay Puans, and along the several courses on the East 
Side of the said Bay to the Mouth of Foxes River, thence 
up to the Head thereof and from thence by a Portage to the 
Head of Ouisconsin River, and down the same to the 



Dr. William Smith, of Philadelphia, sent him a copy. See article by 
Charles Whittlesey, in yournal of the Association of Engineering 
Societies, vol. Ill, no. ii, p. 278. 

*6 Lead-mining was an important industrj^ in the Illinois country in 
the eighteenth century, but at this time it was largely in the hands of 
the French and Spanish west of the Mississippi River, see Thwaites, 
"Early Lead-mining in Illinois and Wisconsin," in Anmial Report, 
Ai7ier. Hist. Assoc, 1893, pp. 191-196. 

*^This clause throws an interesting side-light. In the " Remark," 
presumably by Johnson (see above, note 43), appended to the clause 
he says the church " ought to be well supported there, otherwise Pres- 
byterianism will become the Established Religion in that Country. It 
is interesting to note that the Bayntons, the Whartons, Morgan, and 
the other participants in this movement were Quakers. 



SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 2 1 

Place of Beginning." ^^ In order to settle immediately the 
colony in the Illinois country , ' ' a Company of Gentlemen 
of Character and Fortune are ready and willing to engage, 
That if the Crown will make them a Grant, ... of Land^^ 
free of Quit Rent . . . to be located at one or more places 
as they shall chuse , within the Bounds above mentioned, 
they will at their own . . . Expence, Settle thereon at least 
One white Protestant Person for every Hundred Acres . . ." ^° 
As already stated in Franklin's letter to his father, these 
proposals were sent to Sir William Johnson for his altera- 
tion and recommendation.^^ Johnson in turn inclosed the 

-^8 Benjamin Franklin estimated that there " will be in the proposed 
country, by my reckoning, near sixty-three millions of acres , . . ", 
Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 138. 

49 It is impossible to tell from this document just how many acres 
were petitioned for, but according to the Articles of Agreement, as 
already noticed, the company expected to obtain 1,200,000 acres. 

50 "The crown need not be put to much Expence to procure the 
Settlement of this advantageous Colony. The principal Charges will 
be a Salary to the Governor, and some other Officers of Government 
for a few Years, when the Colonists will be enabled to support their 
own Civil Establishment." It is further suggested in the " Proposals " 
that two or three companies of light infantry and light horse be raised 
and disciplined for service in the West, which would be a good security 
for the infant colony as well as a protection for the frontiers of the old 
settled colonies. The idea of purchasing the rights of the French 
seems to have been abandoned, for no suggestion of it appears in the 
" Proposals ". 

»i He also received copies from several members of the company, 
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 
127; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, ibid., 
no. 197; Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, see Lincoln, 
Calendar of MSS. of Sir William Johnson in Am. Aniiq. Soc. Li- 
brary, ^^. " Mr. Croghan will transmit to your Yionowx, some pro- 
posals which we shall be greatly obliged to you both to consider, and 
alter, in such manner, as you shall judge will be best." Baynton, 
Wharton and Morgan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS., 
vol. XII, no. 128. Johnson took exception to that part of the plan 
which called for the establishment of a civil government in the new col- 
ony. He asserted that " we have nothing to fear from a Military 
Estabhshment from which a young Colony will derive many advantages 
..." He did not, however, make any alteration, Johnson to Bayn- 



122 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

papers to Benjamin Franklin in London, together with a 
letter to Secretary Henry Conway in which he strongly 
recommended the adoption of the plan. ^^ Dr. Franklin 
received the papers in September, '""^ but news of the pro- 
ject was already abroad in England. Johnson had " hinted 
the Affair " some time before in a letter to the Board of 
Trade ^* and Benjamin Franklin had himself received a 
number of communications from his son and from his Penn- 



ton, Wharlon and Morgan, June 20, 1766, ibid., vol. XII, no. 214. 
It is of interest to note that previous to this time no correspondence 
had ever passed between Sir William Johnson and Governor Franklin. 
Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, ibid., vol, XII, no. 127; John- 
son to B. Franklin, July 8, 1766, Lincoln, Calendar of the J\1SS. of 
Sir Williajii Johnson, 45. 

^^ Johnson to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, June 20, 1766, John- 
son MSS., vol. XII, no. 214; Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 
1766, MS. letter in Am. Antiq. Soc. Library; same to same, July 8, 
1766, ibid.; Johnson to B. Frankli-n, July 10, 1766, ibid. In a letter 
to Conway, dated July 10, 1766, Johnson wrote: "As the scheme 
appears to me to be so reasonable and so well calculated for the mutual 
Interests of Great Britain and its colonies I could not refuse their re- 
quest ... I shall be happy, Sir, if my thoughts on the subject may co- 
incide with Yours and I flatter myself with Your pardon for the liberty 
I now take as it is intended for a public benefit and proposed by men 
of whose motives I can have no doubt.''^ Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 
1, and B. T. Papers, (Hist, Soc. Pa. ), vol. XXVII. Observe that John- 
son makes no mention, in his letter to (Conway, of his own or Governor 
Franklin's interest in the land company. It was understood, however, 
that no mention was to be made of that fact: " itt is preposed that its 
not to apear till ye success of our plan is known that Your Honour and 
Governor franklin is concerned as its thought that you can be of more 
Service by nolt being thought Concern'd . . . ", Croghan to Johnson, 
March 20, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XII, no. 127. Johnson had, 
indeed, hesitated about taking an active hand in the affair. He wrote 
that he was " somewhat of Opinion it would answer better that I rec- 
ommended it in Gen'l Terms, as an Affair I had heard was in agitation 
. . . ", Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, see Lincoln, 
Calendar of the MSS. of Sir Williavi Johnson, 45. 

5^^ Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, 
IV, 137; FrankHn to Johnson, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. 
Smythe, IV, 461. 

^* Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in Am. 
Antiq. Soc. Library. 



SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 2 3 

sylvania friends.'' The proposition was one which Frank- 
lin had kept in mind ever since the meeting of the Albany 
Congress in 1754, when he advanced the idea of western 
settlements, and it was therefore with little or no hesitation 
that he now promised to forward the scheme with all his 

power. '^ 

In the meantime the Rockingham ministry, which had 
been in power since July, 1765 , had resigned ; the Earl of 
Chatham had been made prim.e minister in August, 1766, 
and Lord Shelburne had displaced Conway as secretary of 
state for the southern department. '' Johnson's letter to 
Conway and the proposals for a colony went, therefore, into 
Shelburne's hands.^^ In addition to the plan itself with 
Johnson's recommendations, Dr. Franklin gave Shelburne 
copies of Croghan's letters from the West together with his 
journal, and several of Johnson's letters on the subject. '' 

55 Governor Franklin to bis father, April 30, 1766, Franklin Papers 
(Am. Phil. Soc), II, 17. " Upon the first thoughts of the Scheme, 
Mr. Galloway and I wrote to Dr. Franklin, so that he might essay it, 
with the ministry . . . ". Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to John- 
son, July 12, 1766, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 2. 

56Franklin to his son. May 10 and August 25, 1766, Works, ^^. 
Biselow, IV, 136-137; Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to Johnson, 
luly i^, 1766, Johnio; MSS., vol. XIII, no. 2; Baynton, Wharton 
and Morgan to Johnson, August 28, 1766, quoting from a letter of 
Franklin's, Johnson MSS., vol. XIII, no. 65; B. Franklm to Johnson, 
September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Smythe, IV, 461. 

5- Hunt and Poole, ed., Pol. Hist, of Eng., X, 471-472. 

58 Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, 
TV 1^7 Franklin felt that this change augured well for tfie success 
of the project, for he said, " it will of course go to Lord Shelburne 
whose good opinion of it I have reason to hope for; and I think Mr. 
Conway was ralher against distant posts and settlements m America 
Ibid. In another letter of the same date he wrote: " He [Conway] 
is now in another Department, but it will of course go to Lord Shel- 
burne, who I think is rather more favorably dispos d towards such 
Undertakings." Franklin to Johnson, Works, ed. Smythe, IV, 461- 

59 Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed Bigelow, IV, 
139- 



124 ^-^^ ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

He offered as an additional exhibit, one of Evans's maps of 
the middle colonies on which he had marked in red ink the 
whole country included in the boundaries of the proposed 
colony.^" 

Shelburne was pleased with the plan submitted/^ but 
openly confessed to Franklin that there were members of 
the government with whom the scheme did not find ap- 
proval. ^^ He intimated in addition that the expense which 
all such affairs promised would work against it in the Board 
of Trade, ^^ and consequently did not at once promise his 
active support of the undertaking.*'* As it was therefore 
useless to proceed with the plan without the aid of Shel- 
burne and other members of the cabinet, Franklin 
spent the remaining months of 1766, and a large part 
of 1767 in an attempt to obtain their official approval. 
In this he joined efforts with General Phineas Lyman of 
the colony of Connecticut, a veteran officer of the French 
and Indian war, who was at this time in London soliciting 
a grant of land on the Mississippi for himself and his sol- 
diers. ^^ Since the boundaries of the two proposed grants 

^° Franklin, to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, 

IV, 139. 

^^ " I have mentioned the Illinois affair to Lord Shelburne. His 
Lordship had read your plan for establishing a colony there, recom- 
mended by Sir William Johnson, and said it appeared to him a reason- 
able scheme." Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, ibid., 138. 

62 Ibid. 

^^ Franklin to his son, October 11, 1766, ibid., 139. " He was 
pleased to say he really approved of it: lout intimated that every new 
proposed expense for America would meet with difficulty here, the 
treasury being alarmed and astonished at the growing charges there, 
and the heavy accounts and drafts continually brought in from thence." 

®* Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, ibid., 138. 

^^ Franklin to his son, September 12, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 
137. " Plan proposed by General Phineas Lyman for settling Louisi- 
ana, and for erecting new colonies between West Florida and the Falls 
of St. Anthony," Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., 216, 218. 



SCHEMES FOR COL ONIZA TION 1 2 5 

coincided in a large measure, both projects were united at 
the suggestion of Shelburne. ^^ The task of creating a senti- 
ment among the leading members of the government suffi- 
ciently strong to bring the whole question to a conclusion 
was slow and tedious. Although Shelburne and some of 
his subordinates were personally favorable to the project, 
many months elapsed before they were ready to recommend 
the proposals to the Board of Trade for its consideration.^' 
One of the most vital questions of the day in England was 
that of reducing expenses, and Dr. Franklin seized the op- 
portunity of urging upon Shelburne , Conway, Clare , and 
others that a settlement in the Illinois country would be one 
of the best modes of saving the cost of maintaining out- 
posts for the protection both of trade and of the colonies. 

For further account of Lyman and his career, see Hinsdale, "The 
EstabHshment of the First Southern Boundary of the United States", 
in Annual Report, Amer. Hist. Assoc, 1893, and Sabine, Loyalists of 
the American Revolution, II, 33-34- 

66FrankHn to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow IV, 

139- . . 

<5"The following excerpts indicate the progress of the negotiations. 
" I have just had a visit from General Lyman, and a good deal of con- 
versation on the Illinois scheme. He tells me that Mr. Morgan, who 
is under-secretary of the Southern department, is much pleased with it; 
and we are to go together to talk to him concerning it." Franklin to 
his son, September 30, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 139. ''Mr. 
Jackson is now come to town. The ministry have asked his opinion 
and advice on your plan of a colony in the Illinois, and he has just 
sent me to peruse his answer in writing, in which he warmly recom- 
mends it, and enforces it by strong reasons." November 8, 1766, 
ibid., 140. " More than one plan has been given in relative to form- 
ing a Government in the Illinois Country, but till a general system for 
America shall be further advanced, no resolution can be taken on this 
Head." Shelburne to Gage, December 11, 1766, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. I., vol. 122. " Great changes being expected keeps mens' mmds 
in suspense, and obstructs public affairs of every kind. It is therefore 
not to be wondered at that so little progress is made in our American 
scheme of the Illinois grant." Franklin to his son, February 14, 1767, 
Works, ed Bigelow, IV, 140. " The IlHnois affair goes forward but 
slowly; Lord Shelburne told me again last week that he highly ap- 
proved of it, but others were not of his sentiments, particularly the 
Board of Trade. Lyman is almost out of patience and now talks of 
carrying out his settlement without leave." Ibid.^ 140. 



126 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

He reinforced the various arguments enumerated in the 
proposals, laying particular stress upon the strategic value 
of such a colony in the event of war with Spain. A force 
could be raised there " which, on occasions of a future war, 
might easily be poured down the Mississippi upon the lower 
country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against 
Cuba, the French Islands, or Mexico itself."^® Finally, 
as a result of his solicitations, Franklin could report on 
August 28, 1767, that '' the secretary appeared finally to 
be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle but 
the Board of Trade, which was to be brought over privately 
before the matter should be referred to them officially." ^^ 

His mind made up, Shelburne became at once an earnest 
advocate of western colonization, and himself drew up a 
statement of reasons for those settlements, which he pre- 
sented to the King in Council.™ He reinforced his own 

^^ Franklin to his son, August 28, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 
141. ^^ Ibid. 

"^^ Ibid. In a letter to Gage, November 14, 1767. Shelburne clearly 
indicated his position: "The enormous expense attending the present 
method of supplying the Troops cantoned in the back Settlements and 
frontier Posts of North America with the heavy contingent Chajges 
arising from the Transportation of Stores, and the danger to which the 
Discipline of the Army is exposed by the Regiment's being broken up 
into small Detachments; have all been very often and very justly repre- 
sented in your letters: — to remedy these evils no measure seems to bid 
fairer than one, which, by establishing Governments where Provisions 
and Necessaries may be furnished on the spot, will render half the 
Posts kept up unnecessary; while the remainder may be partly trans- 
ferred to the care of the several Provinces and partly maintained at a 
much less expense. The illicit Trade with the French and Spaniards 
will be in a great measure cut off, as the goods must be intercepted by 
our Traders in their passage; the Indians will be prevented from In- 
cursions into the back Settlements; precise and definite Boundaries 
will be put to the old Colonies; the Trade and Manufactures of Great 
Britain will be extended into the remotest Indian Nations, and such 
Posts only require to be garrisoned as command the different Indian 
communications, or the intercourse between his Majesty's different 
colonies, by the great Rivers and Lakes." P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 123. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 127 

sentiments by excerpts from the letters of Generals Am- 
herst ^^ and Gage " and Richard Jackson, " whom he de- 
clared were the best judges of everything relating to 
America. The Council having approved the plan/* it was 
on October 5th submitted to the Board of Trade.'^" 

^'Amherst, Gage's predecessor as commander-in-chief in America, 
carried on considerable correspondence with the ministry concerning 
the West both before and after his resignation in 1763. The details of 
his proposals do not appear, but he recommended in general terms the 
creation of some sort of establishments in the West, Shelburne to Lords 
of Trade, October 5, 1767, B.T. Tapers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; 
N. V. Col. Docs., VII, 982; Franklin to his son, November 25, 1767, 
Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 144; Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. 
Com,, 210, see also 217. 

'^^Gage advocated western settlements until about 1768, after which 
date he is found in opposition. Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, 
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124, and correspondence after that date. 
Although favoring colonies prior to 1768, Gage was in no way connected 
with any of the schemes promoted by the land companies. Statements 
that he was so interested have been made by Bancroft, Hist, of U. S., 
ed. 1854, VI, 32, and by W. C. Ford, in lVriti;igs of George Wash- 
ington, II, 326. Winsor also states that " General Gage and a body 
of Philadelphia merchants joined the others in this new memorial ", 
Westward Movement, 38, but Sir William Johnson declared: *' I have 
sounded Gen'l Gage on the occasion, who declines being concerned." 
Johnson to Governor Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS. letter in Am. Antiq. 
Soc. Library. Gage, indeed, did not favor the large proprietary colo- 
nies which were being urged by the land companies. Believing that 
the Board of Trade would declare in favor of the policy of western set- 
tlements, he wrote: "I would now beg leave to mention the Propriety 
at the first formation of these Settlements, of granting the lands upon 
easy conditions and in small Lotts contiguous to each other, not to be 
alienated by the grantees, or else by various artifices they will soon be 
transferred into the hands of a few people who will become proprietors 
of large Tracts which Experience has shown are seldom settled, but kept 
by the owners in Expectation that the lands will increase in value. The 
Prospect of getting good farms on easy Terms will encourage many 
Families to emigrate from all the Colonies." Gage to Shelburne, Jan- 
uary 23, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. Note also Gage's 
propositions, pp. 114-115, above. 

"^Jackson was appointed counsel to the Board of Trade in April> 1770, 
Chalmers, Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, 37. 

''* " I returned last night from Paris, and just now hear that the Illi- 
nois settlement is approved of in the Cabinet Council ", Franklin to his 
son, October 9, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 141 . 

■^^ Shelburne to Lords of Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. 



128 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

The proposition to be considered by the Board was not, 
however, the one originally submitted by Franklin. Dur- 
ing the years from 1763 to 1770, we find representatives of 
other companies and interests in London seeking to ad- 
vance their cause. The Mississippi Company was still 
alive and its agents, Thomas Gumming and Arthur Lee, 
were both in London at this time urging the proposition of 
this company upon the ministry. '^^ Colonel George Mercer 
was suing in behalf of the old Ohio Company for the per- 
fection of its former grant, "and representatives of the 
soldiers who were enlisted by Governor Dinwiddie in 1754 
under promises of land were likewise claiming their rights. 
And we have already noted the presence in England of 
General Lyman, with whom at the suggestion of Shelburne, 
Dr. Franklin had made common cause. Moreover, some 
of the proposed grants coincided ^^ v/hile others overlapped 
each other. '^'^ Although converted to the policy of western 

Soc. Pa.), vol. XXVII; Franklin to his son, October 9, 1767, Works, 
ed. Bigelow, IV, 142; same to same, November 25, 1767, ibid., 144: 
Shelburne to Gage, November 14, 1767, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., 
vol. 123. The whole western problem was before the cabinet during 
the entire summer and autumn of 1767, when the matter was turned 
over to the Board of Trade. Note in margin of " Minute " submitted 
by Shelburne to the cabinet in 1767, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185. 

"^Letter of the Company to Gumming, March i, 1767, P. R. O., 
Ghatham Papers, vol. 97; Petition to the Grown, December 16, 1768, 
printed in Butler, Hist, of Ky., 381-383. 

'''^ Letter of the Gompany to Gumming, September 28, 1763, P. R. O., 
Ghatham Papers, vol. 97. " We are also to observe to you. Sir, that 
Gol. Mercer is now in London soliciting for the Ohio Gompany, and 
perhaps he may have under his protection the Interest of other Com- 
panies whose concerns may possibly interfere with ours, or that he may 
think so; and thereby be induced to oppose our Scheme; we request 
you not to converse with Gol. Mercer on the subject of our solicitation, 
nor to let him know that any such plan is projected." Ibid. See also 
Johnson to Lords of Trade, July 8, 1 763, P. R. O., Colonial office, 
class V, 1330, No. Y., 107, p. 511. 

■^^Such as the Franklin and Lyman proposals. 

^^ For example, the Franklin and Mississippi Company's boundaries. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 



129 



colonization along broad general lines, Shelburne was 
doubtless also convinced that under these confusing cir- 
cumstances, it would be impossible to make any progress 
toward securing a favorable report from the Board of Trade, 
whose president was already known to be hostile to the 
movement.®" On October i, 1767, therefore, Shelburne 
presented a plan providing for the establishment of three 
distinct colonies in the Northwest.®^ The center of one of 
the proposed governments was to be " at the Detroit be- 
tween Lakes Erie and Huron," another **at or near the 
Mouth of the Ohio," and the third '* in the Illinois Coun- 
try at or near the Mouth of the River of that name." ®^ In 
each colony there were to be one hundred original proprie- 
tors, each of whom was to be allowed " to take up twenty 
thousand acres of land (without paying any fine or consid- 
eration to the King for them), and to sell to undertenants ; 
and the proprietors were also to have possessed their lands 

^"Franklin to his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 
138. 

^^** Settlement on the Ohio River ", ibid., V, 45; Considerations on 
the Agreement with the Honorable Tho?nas Walpole, 21. 

^' " Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs, 
March 7, 1768," N. Y. Col. Docs.,N\\\, 27. *' During the administra- 
tion of the Earl of Shelburne, several applications were made to his 
lordship, for grants of land upon the Ohio, at the Illinois and Detroit', 
and . . . his lordship, at that time proposed the establishment of three 
new colonies at these places." Considerations on the Agreement with 
the Honourable Thomas Walpole, 21. See also "Settlement on the 
Ohio River ", in Franklin's Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 45-46. Both 
Gage and Amherst had recommended the erection of more than one col- 
ony in the West : " His Majesty likewise commands me to refer to Your 
Lordships Extracts from several Letters of Sir Jeffry Amherst and Gen- 
eral Gage recommending the Establishment of further new Governments 
on the Mississippi, the Ohio, and at Detroit ". Shelburne to Lords of 
Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.): Amherst to 
Egremont, November 30, 1762, recommending the establishment of a 
seat of government at Detroit, Fifth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Com., 
217, 218; Franklin to his son, November 25, 1767, Works, ed. Bige- 
low, IV, 144. 



I30 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

fifteen years, without paying any quit- rent or taxes; . . . 
at the expiration of the 15 years, they were to have paid a 
quit- rent to the King of two shillings per hundred acres ; 
and this quit rent was to have been altogether applied to 
the payment of the contingencies of the government." ®' 
What form of government Shelburne had in mind for the 
new colonies does not appear. It is probable that that 
question was left in abeyance until the decision of the 
Board of Trade was made known. 

In his communication to the Lords of Trade, in which he 
presented the question of new settlements, Shelburne called 
the Board's attention to certain other phases of the western 
problem just then demanding solution. It was felt by the 
government that since the danger of an Indian rupture was 
becoming minimized, the enormous expense attending the 
administration of the western country should be reduced. 
The Indian trade, which, since the peace, had been man- 
aged by the imperial government acting through the general 
superintendents, was not fulfilling the expectations of the 

^' Considerations on the Agreement with the Honourable Thomas 
Walpole, 22. It is possible that Shelburne intended the colony ** at 
or near the Mouth of the Ohio "to be undertaken by the Mississippi 
Company, but there is not enough evidence to prove it. It may be 
said, however, that the Mississippi Company had petitioned for land, 
part of which lay south of the Ohio River, while Franklin's proposed 
grant was all on the northward, so that we might expect some such 
arrangement. In the meantime the land company organized by Gov- 
ernor Franklin and Baynton, Wharton and Morgan had evidently in- 
creased its membership. Provision was made in the Articles of Agree- 
ment for at least two additional members, and it was expected that Dr. 
Franklin would himself choose these two in England. Franklin, how- 
ever, was so pleased with the proposition, that he recommended a 
further enlargement in membership, as will appear from the following : 
*' It gives us great pleasure that thou approves the Illinois scheme, and 
although it was at that time thought it might be prudent to take in two 
persons, such as thou should approve of, yet I conceive it will by no 
means be disagreeable to our Company, should thou enlarge the num- 
ber, if a proportionable number of acres be granted." Thomas Whar- 
ton to B. Franklin, November 11, 1766, Sparks MSS., XVI, 81. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 131 

ministry. «* Its management was furthermore becoming 
more and more expensive and the necessity of supporting 
garrisons for the protection of that commerce added greatly 
to the already heavy burdens of the treasury. Shelburne 
was himself convinced that the management of the Indian 
trade should be transferred to the individual colonies and 
that some of the interior posts should be reduced or else 
supported by the colonies.^^ On these two questions he 
was in substantial agreement with his colleagues. But he 
was persuaded in addition that the planting of colonies in 
the interior of America would tend more than anything 
else to bring about a proper adjustment of all the discord- 
ant elements. Such settlements would, in his mind, form 
barriers for the old colonies, become markets for the sale 
of British manufactures, protect the fur trade against French 
and Spanish emissaries, furnish provisions for necessary 
military posts, and give to the French subjects of England 
a stable government.'^ In a very able paper presented to 
the Cabinet in the early summer of 1767 '^ Shelburne had 
argued that such colonies would not be expensive : that the 
quit rents would soon be sufficient to maintain them and to 
create a fund for other purposes, especially if the grants of 
land were placed under proper supervision. He believed 
that a very simple system could thus be created for the 
West through the establishment of new governments ^ and 
the maintenance of a few military posts, and by leaving the 
management of Indian affairs to the colonies, subject to 
^ See above, ch. V. 

«s Minutes submitted to cabinet, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185. 
«« See quotation from letter of Shelburne to Gage, November 14 
1767, in note 70, above. 

^^ Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 185. 

T„.^4^ *^i^ ^™^ ^^ proposed two colonies, one at Detroit and one in 
Illinois, ibid. 



132 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

general regulation by the Board of Trade. In answer to 
those who protested that the Indians would be outraged, 
Shelburne made the prophetic suggestion that if the Indians 
did not like to be surrounded by the new colonies they 
could sell their lands and move westward or become civil- 
ized. 

Shelburne doubtless had in mind a certain element of 
opposition to his plan in the Board itself,^^ when , in his 
letter of October 5th, he placed the heads of inquiry relat- 
ing to the expense of the imperial management of the In- 
dian trade and of the maintenance of western garrisons first 
in the list, so that they formed a sort of introduction to his 
proposition for the western colonies.^" 

Soon after this the Board called for the opinion of the 
merchants, whether the settlement of colonies in the Illi- 
nois country and at Detroit would promote in any way the 
commerce of Great Britain. Dr. Franklin, who was pres- 
ent at the meeting, says that they answered unanimously in 
the affirmative.^^ 

Whatever may have been the prospect in October or 
November for a favorable report on the colonial project, 
the hopes of the promoters were dashed in the following 
months. In order to understand the situation it is neces- 

^^This opposition was apparent as early as 1766, at the first sugges- 
tion of the project. Dr. Franklin was of the opinion that Lord Hills- 
borough was at the bottom of the opposition at that time, Franklin to 
his son, September 27, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 138. 

^•^ " The parts of the Service which we are more immediately called 
upon by the Earl of Shelburne's letter to give Our attention, are First, 
The present Civil Establishment regarding the Indians; Secondly, the 
disposition of the Troops for Indian Purposes; and lastly, the Establish- 
ment of certain new Colonies." "Representation of the Lords of 
Trade on the State of Indian Affairs, March 7, 1768," N. V. Col. 
Docs.,y\\\, 20. 

^^ Franklin to his son, November 13, 1767, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 
142. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 133 

sary to note the political situation in England at the period 
under discussion. The Chatham ministry, formed in August, 

1766, contained several men who favored the cause of the 
colonies. Chatham himself, Conway, one of the secretaries 
of state and mover of the repeal of the Stamp Act, and 
Lord Shelburne, secretary of state for the southern depart- 
ment, were all in favor of adopting a more liberal policy 
toward the colonies. But with the retirement of Chatham 
on account of illness a group of men stepped into power 
who believed that the colonies should bear part of the 
burden of imperial defence. Prominent among these men 
was Charles Townshend, author of the Revenue Act of 

1767. At that time the management of American affairs 
was centered in the hands of two men, the secretary of 
state for the southern department and the president of the 
Board of Trade. The president of the Board in 1766 was 
Lord Hillsborough, a thoroughgoing advocate of restriction. 
The Board at this time , however , had but little power , it 
having become a mere ** Board of Report upon reference 
to it for advice or information on the part of the Secretary 
of State".'"' 

Throughout 1767 Shelbourne was under the necessity of 
carrying out the will of the ministry and of Parliament, dis- 
tasteful though it was. Friction between himself and the 
cabinet became so pronounced that for months he failed to 
attend the meetings. ^^ In September, Townshend, the 
most influential minister in the cabinet, died and there was 
an opportunity for Grafton to reconstruct the policy of the 
government along the lines advocated by Chatham and 
Shelburne. But he chose to continue the policy of Town- 

®* Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburne, II, 2. Hillsborough accepted the 
office on that condition. Grenville Papers , III, 73, 254. 



134 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

shend and admitted into the ministry members of the Bed- 
ford party, who were advocates of the adoption of a firm 
policy toward the colonies. The retirement of Shelburne 
as colonial minister was made a condition of the support of 
Bedford. ^^ The King was likewise using his influence 
against the retention of the liberal minister. ^^ Shelburne 
was finally relieved of his unhappy situation ; for in Jan- 
uary, 1768, the office of secretary of state for the colonies 
was created, and Lord Hillsborough was appointed to fill 
the office. ^^ The Board of Trade, now deprived of all its 
executive powers, was under the nominal direction of Lord 
Clare, Hillsborough having resigned the presidency in 
December, 1766.^' 

Hillsborough's opposition to western colonies has already 
been noted. To men like Franklin, therefore, the adverse 
report made in March, 1768, must have been no surprise. 
The Board of Trade, under the inspiration of Hillsborough, 
indorsed the recommendations of the former colonial min- 
ister that the management of the Indian trade should be 
transferred to the colonies and that certain interior posts 
might then be reduced ,^^ but declared a disbelief in the 
western colonial plan as a further means of reducing im- 
perial expenses. ^^ The elaborate argument against this last 
proposition may be logically divided into two parts. In 

®* Grenville Papers^ III, 67. ^* Ibid.^ 77. 

^^ Ibid., 77; Hunt and Poole, ed., Pol. Hist, of Eng., X, 472. 

^"^ Rockingham Me?fioirs, I, 78. Later in 1768 he again became 
president of the Board, thus holding two offices. 

^^ '* Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian 
Affairs, March 7, 1768", N. Y. Col. Docs., Vlll, 19-28; Hillsborough 
to Gage, April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124, Winsor, 
Westward Movement, 41, places the date at 1 767, which is incorrect. 
On p. 40 of the same work he also states that Shelburne laid Frank- 
lin's scheme before the Board in October, 1766, which should be 1767. 

99 (< Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian 
Affairs, March 7, 1768 ", N. V. Col. Docs., VIII, 28-31. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 135 

the first place the proposal for the establishment of colonies 
in the interior as a general principle of policy is subjected 
to a severe criticism. The policy of Great Britain had 
always been to confine settlements to the seacoast in order 
better to promote the commerce, navigation, and manu- 
factures of the kingdom /°^ This principle was illustrated 
by the encouragement given the colonizing of Nova Scotia, 
and the formation of the colonies of Georgia, East Florida, 
and West Florida, and by the provision in the procla- 
mation of 1763 whereby the interior country was left to the 
Indians. The Board declared that this policy had been 
productive of vast commercial and industrial benefits to the 
mother country. 

In the second place, they proceeded to answer the spe- 
cific arguments advanced by the advocates of the new 
propositions : (i) Settlements in the interior, inaccessible 
to shipping, would be led to manufacture for themselves, 
instead of becoming a market for English products. (2) 
The extension of the fur trade depended upon the Indians 
remaining in possession of their hunting grounds. (3) In- 
stead of affording protection to the old colonies, they 
would demand protection for themselves. (4) New colo- 
nies would undeniably be of advantage in furnishing a 
supply of provisions for the forts and garrisons in the in- 
terior country, but since many of these might be reduced, 
the advantage would be of doubtful value. (5 ) They would 
furnish the French inhabitants of the West with civil gov- 
ernment, but that would likewise be of doubtful utility, 
since these colonies have always been subject to a military 
government, and therefore needed no other. 

Hillsborough was a bitter opponent of colonial expansion 

i°" See also Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. L, vol. 126. 



136 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

in general, and the objections summarized in this report 
represent in a large measure his own opinions as well as the 
point of view held by a large body of conservative English- 
men of that time, who had not yet reached the broader 
notions held by Shelburne, Franklin, and Adam Smith as 
to the end for which colonies ought to be created. The 
view of the class represented by Hillsborough and Lord 
Barrington was well defined by a pamphleteer of the time, 
who declared that * ' a colony is profitable according as its 
land is so good, that by a part of the labor of the inhabi- 
tants bestowed on its cultivation, it yields the necessaries of 
life sufficient for their sustenance ; and by the rest of their 
labor produces staple commodities in such quantity, and of 
such value, as brings for the mother country, in the way of 
commerce and traffic, all manufactures necessary for the 
proper accommodation of the colonists, and for the gradual 
improvement of the colony, as the number of people in- 
crease." ^"^ 

There were reasons, however, other than those mentioned 
by the Board of Trade, which appear to have influenced 
Hillsborough's attitude, and even that of Gage, who, in 
1768, reversed his position on the colonial question. It 
seems worth while, therefore, to examine whether the argu- 
ments in the report of 1768 are an entirely adequate expla- 
nation of the rejection of Shelburne 's policy. At the same 
time it must be observed that although Hillsborough was 
opposed to the creation of new provinces in the interior, he 
did not at this time disapprove of the gradual extension of 
the older settlements beyond the Alleghanies. As late as 

^^^ Quoted by Winsor, but without indication of author or title, West- 
ward Moveitient, 41. See also Lord Barrington's Plan relative to the 
Out Posts, Indian Trade, etc., May 10, 1766. Lansdowne MSS., vol. 
L, pp. 49-61. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 137 

1768 he stated definitely that no objection could be had to 
such colonies y^^'^ and at the first suggestion of the Vandalia 
grant south of the Ohio, warmly supported it.^*'^ 

It is necessary to bear in mind that the imperial govern- 
ment during the decade under consideration was becoming 
more and more embarrassed by the many problems of im- 
perial administration. The great war just closed had re- 
sulted in bringing upon the government many new respon- 
sibilities , not the least of which was the administration of 
the newly-ceded territories and the defence of the empire. 
It is not surprising, therefore, that the members of the 
ministry should hesitate to sanction the establishment of 
new colonial governments when questions of administration 
and finance were already causing serious difficulties between 
the mother country and the established colonies. The 
factor of expense entered into the consideration of every 
new project and the colonial schemes were no exception to 
this rule, especially since the government was asked to bear 
a certain part of the expense. 

The correspondence of Shelburne and Franklin shows that 
at the first suggestion of the proposed settlements this factor 
was uppermost in the mind of the former. ^''^ Shelburne 
became convinced that ultimately this objection would be 

102 << Representation of the Lords of Trade on the State of Indian 
Affairs, March 7, 1768", N. V. Col. Docs., VIII, 28-31. 

^°^ Franklin to his son, July 14, 1773, Works, ed. Bigelow, V, 197. 
"With the reason for Hillsborough's later opposition the present study 
is not concerned. 

10* Franklin to his son, October 11, 1766, Works, ed. Bigelow, IV, 
139, quoted above in note 63. *'In case your Lordships should think 
it right to advise his Majesty to estabUsh these New Governments, you 
will consider whether it will not be practicable to fall upon such a Plan 
as will avoid great part of the Expense incurred by the Estimates 
of the New Governments established after the Peace." Shelburne to 
Lords of Trade, October 5, 1767, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), voL 
XXVII; and TV. Y. CoL Docs., YU, 9S1. 



138 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

overcome, but Hillsborough was not of that opinion. 
Writing to Gage shortly after the issuance of the report he 
dwelt at considerable length upon the necessity of avoiding 
an increased expense on any account: ^"^ '' It appears to 
his Majesty that in the present state of the Kingdom its 
future Safety and Welfare do in great measure depend upon 
the relieving it from every Expence that is not an absolute 
necessity, and therefore though his Majesty applauds the 
Motives which induced the first Institution of the present 
plan of Indian Superintendency, which was evidently cal- 
culated to regain the Confidence, and combine the Force 
of the Savages against a then powerful Enemy, yet, as in 
the present State of America, the main object of that Plan, 
if not entirely removed are at least greatly diminished . . . 
His Majesty concurs in opinion with his Board of Trade, 
that the laying aside that part of it [the Plan of Superin- 
tendency] which relates to the Indian Trade and entrust- 
ing the entire management of that Trade to the colonies 
themselves will be of Publick Utility and Advantage, as a 
means of avoiding much Difficulty and saving much Ex- 
pense to this Country both in present and in future . . . 
The Propriety therefore of entrusting the Management of 
the Trade with the Indians to the Colonies, does . . . ap- 
pear to His Majesty to depend in great measure upon a re- 
duction of such Posts in the Indian Country, as are by their 
situation, exposed to the Resentment of the Savages, it 
being evident that in Proportion as the number of such 
Posts is diminished, the Necessity of carrying on an Indian 
War at the Expense of this Kingdom will be less. . . . 
His Majesty has not failed in this great and extensive Con- 
sideration to give due attention to Propositions, which have 

i«5 April 15, 1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 124. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 139 

been made with regard to the Establishments on the Rivers 
Mississippi, Ohio and Illinois. But as his Majesty has 
doubts concerning the Utility of Establishments in such re- 
mote situations, which consequently cannot be kept up, 
but at an immense Expence, it is the King's pleasure that 
you should report your Opinion with regard to the con- 
tinuance of any of the Forts in those situations. . . ."^^ 

It should be noted that in the report of the Board of 
Trade in 1768 great emphasis is placed upon the general 
commercial and political inutility of the proposed colonies, 
but there is no suggestion that the matter of expense stood 
in the way. On the other hand there is an intimation that 
the clause in the proclamation of 1763, reserving the in- 
terior country for the use of the Indians, was inserted there 
on the principle that all settlements should be confined to 
the sea-coast. Again in a similar report in 1772 against 

106 A few weeks later Gage replied to Hillsborough : '' From what 
has been represented your Lordship will perceive that I am not of 
opinion that a Post at the Illinois will be productive of advantages 
equal to the expence of supporting it." June 16, 1768, P. R. O., Am. 
and W. I., vol. 124. Two years later he again wrote to Hillsborough: 
*' I conceive that to procure all the commerce it will afford and at as 
little expence to ourselves as we can, is the only object we should have 
in view in the interior Country for a century to come . . . I am of 
opinion the advantages we might propose to gain from Civil and Mili- 
tary Establishments at the mouths of those Rivers [Ohio and Illinois] 
would be greatly disproportionate to the Expences, they would be at- 
tended with." November 10, 1770, ibid., vol. 126. Hillsborough 
writes in the same year: "Forts and Military Establishments at the 
mouths of the Ohio and Illinois Rivers, admitting that they would be 
effectual to the attainment of the objects in view would yet, I fear, be 
attended with an Expence to this Kingdom greatly disproportionate to 
the advantages to be gained and those objections to Civil Establish- 
ments which I have above stated, do weigh so strongly against that 
measure in the scale both of general and local policy, as greatly to dis- 
courage that idea." The latter part refers to his argument agamst the 
commercial utility of a regular settlement in the West, which he de- 
clared, '* cannot be of that commercial benefit to the state which it 
would be of in other places". Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, 
ibid. 



I40 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

the proposed Vandalia or Walpole grant /"' emphasis is 
placed upon that clause ; indeed it is advanced as the chief 
argument for the rejection of the proposition.^"^ But no- 
where in the Hillsborough- Gage correspondence is there 
the slightest intimation that Hillsborough had the procla- 
mation of 1763 in mind. It would seem reasonable to as- 
sume that if he believed that the clause in that document 



^^■^ After 1768 the attention of land and colony promoters was turned 
to the region of the upper Ohio River valley. In 1768 the long-pro- 
posed Indian boundary line was determined at the treaty of Fort Stan- 
wix and there was opened up for colonization a wide strip of territory 
in that region. A company was formed in the same year for the estab- 
lishment of a colony, some of the members being Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Pownall, Thomas Walpole, and the firm of Baynton, Whar- 
ton and Morgan. In 1770, the crown was petitioned for a grant, but 
in 1772 the Board of Trade, still under the leadership of Hillsborough, 
reported adversely. This report called forth a vigorous answer from 
Dr. Franklin, which completely demolished the arguments of Hills- 
borough. His successor, Lord Dartmouth, began at once to make ar- 
rangements for the establishment of a colony, but the whole matter was 
dropped on the outbreak of the American Revolution, For a full ac- 
count see Alden, Netv Govcrn?nenis Wesi of the Alleghanies before 
J780, 19-35. The following writers have confused the Walpole grant 
with the plan of 1766: Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 133; Peyton, Hist, 
of Augusta Co., Va., 144 ff; Fitzmaurice, life of Shelburne, II, 31; 
Bigelow, in FrankHn's \Vorks,Y<I , 136; V^xYm%, Annals of the West, 
127; Adams, MarylamV s Influence upon the Land Cessions to the 
U. S., 13. 

*"^This interpretation by Hillsborough may be entirely disregarded. 
He was not responsible for that particular clause in the proclamation. 
It was conceived and written by Lord Shelburne himself, as has been 
pointed out by Alvord, ** Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in 
Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Colls., XXXYl, 31 ff. He has shown that 
Shelburne did not have in mind the principle of confining the colonies 
to the sea-coast. Coffin, in Province of Quebec and the Am. Rev. , 428, 
and Alden, in New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780, 
43-44, have also rejected Hillsborough's interpretation. For the old 
view that the proclamation was intended to confine the colonies to the 
sea-coast, see for example Hinsdale, Old Northwest, ch. VIII, and the 
same author, "The Western Land PoHcy of the British Government 
from 1763 to 1775", i" ^^^^ Archaeological and Historical Quarterly ^ 
December, 1887. There is positive proof of Shelburne's position in a 
minute submitted by him to the cabinet in 1767, Lansdowne MSS., 
vol. L, p. 185. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 141 

stood in the way, some mention of it would have been made 
in his many communications to General Gage and Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson. Nor does Franklin intimate it in any of his 
private correspondence on the subject. In order to justify 
his position with some appearance of legality, it is probable 
that Hillsborough brought forward that clause in the procla- 
mation, which had been interpreted by nearly every one 
else as merely temporary in character. 

There was still another important reason for the rejection 
of interior settlements, which comes to light in contempo- 
rary correspondence, but which is not contained in the re- 
port of the Board of Trade. During this period Louisiana, 
with New Orleans commanding the mouth of the Mississippi 
River, was in the hands of Spain. New Orleans was practi- 
cally the only outlet for the western country, and it was the 
settled conviction of many that so long as it remained in 
the possession of a foreign power, it was useless to expect 
much from the West. In 1768 Lieutenant George Phyn 
of the regular army was sent from Fort Pitt down the Ohio 
and Mississippi rivers to Mobile, and in writing to Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson he declared that the country in and about the 
Illinois region would never be settled " with any advantage 
to England " unless New Orleans were procured. ^"^ 

In a communication to Secretary Hillsborough in 1770, 
in which he argued at length against the establishment of 
settlements or of any additional military posts in the West, 
General Gage declared that no further time or money should 



^09 April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 109. He affirmed 
that a settlement " will never happen with any advantage to England 
until we can procure the Ideal Island of Orleans: . . could we find 
passage for even small craft to go to the Sea, the Country of the Illinois 
would be worthy of attention, but had we the Island of Orleans, that 
country would in a very short time I believe be equal to any of otir 
Colonies." Ibid. 



142 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

be expended on that country, and particularly the Illinois 
country, because it would be of no conceivable " advantage 
to the King's subjects, unless New Orleans was added to 
His Majesty's Possessions ". ^^" 

In the same year Lord Hillsborough himself mentioned 
one of the chief objections which he considered to " lie 
against Colonies in the Illinois with a view to the Peltry 
Trade, which is the peculiar Commerce of that Country." 
*'This Commerce", he affirmed, ''cannot (I apprehend) 
be useful to Great Britain otherwise than as it furnishes a 
material for her Manufactures, but it will on the contrary 
be prejudicial to her in proportion as other Countries obtain 
that material from us without its coming here first \ and 
whilst New Orleans is the only Port for Exportation of what 
goes down the Mississippi, no one will believe that that town 
will not be the market for Peltry or that those Restrictions, 
which are intended to secure the Exportation of that Com- 
modity directly to G. Britain, can have any effect under 
such circumstances." ''^ 

In this connection it should be noted that throughout 
this decade there were serious thoughts of an attack upon 
Louisiana and New Orleans should a war with Spain afford 
the opportunity. One of the reasons offered by Governor 
Franklin in 1766 for the establishment of a colony in the 
Illinois country was that such a colony would enable the 
English to get possession of the whole of Louisiana ** should 
a future war make it expedient". ^^" We find Gage himself 
discussing with General Haldimand, who was stationed in 

110 November 10, 1770, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126. 

"^ Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, ibid. 

^12 Reasons for the Establishment of a Colony, Franklin Papers (Am. 
Phil. Soc.)> vols. XXVII, XXVIII; same idea expressed in Remarks 
on Lord Barrington's Plan, no. 2, Lansdowne MSS., vol. L, p. 80. 



SCHEMES FOR COLONIZATION 



143 



West Florida during the latter half of this period, possible 
plans for an attack in case war should be declared. '^ 

In 1770 the cherished opportunity seemed to have ar- 
rived. In that year the dispute between England and 
Spain over the possession of certain of the Falkland Islands , 
lying near the Strait of Magellan, brought the two nations 
to the verge of war."* Hillsborough evidently expected 
war, for in January, 1771 , he communicated secret instruc- 
tions to Gage in New York"^ to mobolize an army and to 
prepare for the invasion of Louisiana. He commissioned 
Gage as commander of the invading forces and instructed 
him to use his own judgment as to the time and method of 
attack. Gage replied"*' that he would at once assemble a 
body of troops and prepare for the invasion. He further 



^"Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 2-29. The English officers in 
West Florida were instructed to inform Gage as to the number of troops 
and inhabitants the Spaniards might bring to Louisiana, and whether 
any of the old French colonial troops entered the Spanish service, Gage 
to Brigadier Taylor, June 10, 1766; B. M. Add. MSS., 21, 662, fol. 
214. In 1767, General Haldimand sent Captain Marsh from Pensacola 
to New Orleans to make a special inquiry relative to the British trade, 
the disposition of the French and Acadians towards the Spanish, and 
the treatment of the Indians and French by the Spaniards, J. Marsh to 
Haldimand, November 20, 1767, ibid., 21, 728. The keenest interest 
was always taken in the movements of the Spanish, especially with ref- 
erence to how many troops were to be sent up the Mississippi and how 
many and what ports on that river were to be garrisoned. See for ex- 
ample. Captain Innis to Haldimand, October 11, 1769, Can. Arch., 
series B, vol. 69, p. 60, Haldimand wrote to Gage, June 12, 1 770, 
that *' although on the one hand the military Force, which you are in- 
formed General O'Reilly intends to leave in the Colony, is too small to 
create much alarm, yet on the other the appointment of a Company of 
French under the Command of an Active French Officer for the upper 
Posts of the Mississippi is a circumstance that wears a suspicious appear- 
ance." P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 126. 

"*Hunt, Pol. Hist, of Eng., X, 112-114. 

"* January 2, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. See Docu- 
mentary Appendix, no. 3. 

^^^Gage to Hillsborough, April 2, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 127. See Documentary Appendix, no. 4. 



144 ^-^^ ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

declared his intention of approaching Louisiana and New 
Orleans by way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and 
actually sent reinforcements to Fort de Chartres."^ Soon 
after the despatch of Hillsborough, however, Spain acceded 
to the demands of England, and the attack upon New 
Orleans was given up. "® 

In conclusion it may be observed that after 1768 the 
attention of those most interested in the colonizing of 
Illinois was turned in another direction. In that year, at 
the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the boundary line between the 
Indians and the whites was determined, thus opening for 
settlement a large tract of land in the region south of the 
Ohio River. There was formed in the same year a com- 
pany, called the Walpole or Vandalia Company, for the 
purpose of establishing a colony there. Although Hills- 
borough again opposed the scheme, he was overruled, and 
the grant was made. But the Revolution put an end to 
further progress in the scheme. In the Illinois country 
there was another revival of land speculation in 1773, 
which, however, was simply an attempt of individuals and 
companies to purchase large tracts of land from the Indians 
without applying to the crown, a proceeding manifestly 
contrary to the proclamation of 1763.^^' 

^>'' " I have advices that the Artillery and Stores sent down the Ohio 
for Fort Chartres, have got into the Mississippi, and were going up to 
the Fort. The prospect of a war with Spain could not be concealed, 
for the news had been conveyed by many hands." Gage to Hills- 
borough, August 6, 1 771, P. R. O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 127. 

"8 Gage to Hillsborough, March 7, 1771, ibid. 

i"It is of interest to note that in 1770, Dr. Connolly, a nephew of 
George Croghan, and a prominent land speculator in the West, pro- 
posed to George Washington that a colony ought to be erected south of 
the Ohio River, '* to be bounded ... by the Ohio northward, and 
westward, the ridge that divides the waters of the Tennessee or Chero- 
kee River southward and westward, and a line to be run from the falls 
of Ohio, or above, so as to cross the Shawna River above the fork of 
it". " Washington's Tour on the Ohio ", Writings, ed, Ford, II, 315, 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Struggle for a Civil Government, i 770-1 774. 

The action of Commandant Wilkins in abolishing the- 
court of judicatory and in assuming again all judicial 
powers, ^ aroused the French people in Illinois to take a 
decided stand for their rights. From this time they ceased 
to depend on their English associates, whose actions were 
often inspired by selfish motives, and who were frequently 
connected with the speculative schemes of the eastern 
merchants for exploiting the country by means of American 
settlers. The French people perceived that their interests 
would not be subserved by such measures, and that they 
might fulfill by themselves along different lines what had 
been in the minds of the English speculators. Under the 
administration of Lord Hillsborough, the great opponent of 
western expansion, restriction seemed to have become a 
permanent policy, and by 1770 many of the English 
traders, who had been interested in the promoters' schemes, 
had become disheartened and were leaving Illinois. The 
plan of a French colony appeared to be justified, however, 
by the actual settlements in existence, and the French 
leaders might reasonably hope that, proper representations 
being made to the ministry, no opposition to the creation 

^ See above, ch. IV, p. 72. Regular sessions of a court were held 
from July, 1770, to January 30, 1773, but there were no regular judges, 
and the judgments were those of the miUtary commandants, see MS. 
Court Record (Chester, Illinois). 

14s 



146 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

of a French colonial government on the Mississippi would be 
met. 

It was with this idea in mind that the leaders of the 
French inhabitants called an assembly on August 24, 1770, 
shortly after the downfall of the court. ^ Daniel Bloiiin, a 
citizen of Kaskaskia, was chosen to go to New York and 
explain the situation to General Gage.'^ He took with him 
a document enumerating some of the grievances of the 
people against the military commandant and certain of the 
English merchants,* and instructions to use all possible 
efforts to obtain the promise of a civil government for the 
country.^ The French people had thus advanced beyond 
their position of 1768,® and, without the assistance of the 
resident English,' had assumed the initiative in a new 
movement for the extension of civil rights to the colony. 

The French agent, Daniel Bloiiin, chose as an associate 
in this mission William Clazon, a Frenchman with some 
understanding of English usages.^ Arriving in New York 

2 MS. Court Record, p. 108. 

^ Ibid., p. 107; Hamilton to Gage, August 8, 1772, P. R. O., Am. 
and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, ibid. 

*Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, ibid.,vo\. 127; Gage to 
Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, ibid.,vo\. 128; Bloiiin to Dartmouth, Oc- 
tober 6, 1773, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI. 

^He was authorized *'k faire toutes les D-marches legitimes qui 'I 
conviendera de faire en notre nom pour tocher d'obtenir de son Excel- 
lence Monsieur le Major General Thomas Gage . . . le redressement 
de nos Griefs, et Prier sa ditte Excellence . . . d' enterceder Pour 
nous aupr^s de sa Majeste afin d'en obtenir I'Establissement du 
Gouvernement Civil ..." MS. Court Record, p. 107. 

^See above, ch. IV, p. 60. 

■^ There is no trace of Morgan in Illinois after 1770. Many others 
left about the same time, see Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, P. R. 
O. , Am. and W. I., vol. 128. 

^Gage to Hillsborough, August 6, 1771, ibid., vol. 127. Clazon's 
name does not appear as a resident of the Illinois villages, nor has his 
name been located in the Canadian genealogical registers. For Gage's 
estimate of Clazon see below, p. 151. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 147 

in 1 77 1, they presented their credentials and memorial to 
General Gage on July 9th ,^ and prayed that a civil govern- 
ment be established in the Illinois country. Although their 
reception was not very favorable, Gage finally did demand 
an outline of their plan.^" The agents set to work to pro- 
duce a draft of government " — Gage speaks of it as a rough 

^Bloiiin to Dartmouth, October 6, 1773, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. 
Pa.), vol. XXXI. The exact date of their departure from Illinois and 
arrival in New York does not appear. September 3, 1770, Bloiiin 
gave power of attorney to continue during his absence to Joseph 
Charleville, his father-in-law, Louis Viviat, and Pierre Girardot, Kas- 
kaskia Record Book, British Period. He was still in Illinois in No- 
vember, 1770, for in that month he acted as attorney for Viviat, ibid.^ 
p. 171. It is probable that they arrived in New York in the early 
summer of 1 771. 

^"Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, Pj R- O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. 

" This episode has been discussed by several writers. In Hist, of U. 
S., IV, 741, Bancroft states that the people of Illinois met together and 
prepared a plan of government, providing for institutions like those of 
Connecticut, which was forwarded by them to General Gage through 
their agent Daniel Bloiiin. This, however, is an error. In detailing 
the account of his negotiations with the agents, Gage declared that " he 
[Bloiiin] presented me memorials that related solely to complaints of 
which he desired redress, but delivered no memorials containing propo- 
sitions for the forming of a Civil Constitution which from the contents 
of my Dispatch, Your Lordship was led to conclude I had received 
from him. The people's wishes or desires of a Civil Government be- 
ing however, mentioned, gave occasion to my sending afterwards to 
Mr. Bloiiin and his associate Mr. Clazon to know what kind of Gov- 
ernment the people expected and w'd be satisfied with - . . ; and re- 
ceived for answer that it would require a great deal of time to form a 
plan of the kind." He then asked for a brief outline of their plan, 
and they drew up a *' rough sketch ", Gage to Dartmouth, January 6. 
1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. This letter was in answer 
to that of John Pownall, one of the under secretaries, who wrote on 
October 7, 1772: " I think it necessary in the absence of Lord Dart- 
mouth who is at present in the Country, to acquaint you that your Dis- 
patch No. 76, has been received and laid before the King, but the 
regulations for a Civil Govermnent proposed by the Inhabitants of the 
Illinois . . . were not included in your Packet." Ibid., and Dart- 
mouth Papers, Fourteenth Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Connn., Ap- 
pendix X, 98. Gage answered Pownall as follows: " You had good 



148 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

outline — which was probably the work of Clazon, for the 
model of the proposed government was the constitution of 
Connecticut/'^ the most liberal of the eastern colonies, of 
which the average Illinois Frenchman could have known 
nothing. 

Such a proposition was naturally rejected by the gen- 
eral ,^^ who, in order to gain more information concerning 
their actual sentiments, and to discredit, if possible, the 
two representatives,^* directed Major Hamilton, the acting 
commandant in Illinois, to sound the people as to their 

Reasons from my Letter and the Extract inclosed, to suppose that there 
had been an Omission in not transmitting the said Proposals of the In- 
habitants, but I never received them from Monsieur Bloiiin and I ex- 
plain that matter by this Opportunity to the Earl of Dartmouth." Jan- 
uary 6, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. Bancroft's error 
has been repeated by Mason, Chapters from III. Hist., 282, and by 
Parrish, Historic III., 158. 

^^ Gage to Dartmouth, January 6, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. 

*^ ''It cannot be suggested that a regular Constitutional Government 
can be established amongst a people who are settled and scattered in a 
far distant desert . . . They don't deserve so much attention or ex- 
pence ..." Gage to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS., 
XLIII, vol. 3, p. 164. " They were told propositions of that sort 
would not be received, and that I would not confer with them on the 
Subject of a Government to be so constituted." Gage to Dartmouth, 
January 6, 1773, P* R- 0-> Am. and W. I., vol. 128. The proposal 
would have met the same fate had it been carried to the ministry, for 
upon hearing of the movement, Secretary Hillsborough, just before his 
retirement, wrote to Gage: "Some arrangements for the Inhabitants 
of the Illinois Country may be necessary, but as I agree with you in 
opinion that a regular Constitutional Government for that District 
would be highly improper, I am not without apprehension that any 
Plan, however limited, may be wrested {sic'\ to bad purposes, and will 
in a greater or less degree operate to fix what we both think it would 
be better to remove." July I, 1772, Sparks MSS., LXIII, vol. 3, 
p. 165. 

^* "These two people have been a long time here, and are not to be 
relied on". Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, 
vol. 5, p. 142. See also Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772, 
P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127, and Gage to Haldimand, January 
5, 1774, B. M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Gage, 1758-1777, 
vol. IV. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 149 

wishes. ^^ The commandant was likewise requested to cir- 
culate among the French a plan of government draughted 
by Gage himself/^ which if endorsed by them, might be 

^^Gage to Hillsborough, April 13, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 127. 

^®The current opinion has been that Lord Dartmouth, who succeeded 
Hillsborough as secretary for the colonies in August, 1772, drew up the 
sketch and forwarded it through Gage to Illinois. Bancroft, Hist, of 
U. S., IV, 472, says that Dartmouth "censured the ideas of the in- 
habitants of the Illinois District with regard to a Civil Constitution . . . 
and rejected their proposition to take some part in the election of their 
rulers ... A plan of Government was therefore prepared of great sim- 
plicity, leaving all power with the executive officers of the crown, . , ." 
' * Dartmouth prepared and forwarded to Illinois what he called a ' Sketch 
of Government for Illinois' ", Mason, Chapters froin III. Hist., 283. 
" His [Hillsborough's] successor, Lord Dartmouth, took a similar view, 
and immediately drew up what he termed ' A Sketch of Government 
for Illinois ', and returned it with his compliments, into the western wil- 
derness ..." Parrish, Historic III., 159. The statements quoted 
are quite inaccurate. Gage wrote to Hillsborough April 13, 1772, as 
follows: " The Officer commanding at the Illinois ... is directed to 
sound the sentiments of the people on the subject of a Civil Govern- 
ment ... I sent him a Sketch of what I proposed which I have now 
the honour to transmit Your Lordship, with a list of the Officers of Gov- 
ernment and their respective Salarys. " P. R. O., Am., and W. I., 
vol. 128. There is an abstract (in English) of the sketch in the Public 
Record Office, endorsed as having been inclosed in Gage's letter of 
the 13 of April. On July i Gage reported to the secretary that he 
'* had not yet received an answer concerning the Government pro- 
posed to the Inhabitants of Illinois", ibid. In the summer of 1773 
Gage was summoned to England to give the government informa- 
tion on colonial affairs and General Haldimand was left in charge of 
the American army and of the West. October 6, 1773, Bloiiin wrote 
to Dartmouth from New York: "That worthy general had scarcely 
departed from America, when a secret Enemy to his Glory . . . found 
means to cause the Inhabitants of the Illinois to be assembled by the 
Commanding Officer there, and presented with an anonymous Writ- 
ing, which, they were told, came from the General, and a Plan of 
the Form of Government, which they were requested to solicit through 
his Intercession." B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI. A 
few weeks later he again wrote to Dartmouth : " I have delivered to 
Gen'l Haldimand a literal Copy of the Sketch I mentioned to your 
Lordship in the letter of which I now enclose the duplicate with another 
Copy and translation of that Sketch." November 4, 1773, P. R. O., 
Am. and W. I., vol. 128. It is curious that Bancroft should have 
made the mistake, since he refers to other portions of this letter in his 
text, and there is among his manuscripts a copy of the letter. Note 



i5o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 2763-1774 

granted by the ministry. The plan ^^ contained some pop- 
ular elements, but provided also for certain appointive 
officers — a governor of the district, and a magistrate for 
each of the villages of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and one for 
the three remaining villages. A grand council was to be 
formed, consisting of the governor, and five or six coun- 
cilors elected by the inhabitants. In minor civil and crim- 
inal cases the individual magistrates were to have jurisdic- 
tion. The " Chamber of Kaskaskia " was the next higher 
court, consisting of three magistrates sitting together. 
From this court an appeal might be taken to the grand 
council, whose decision was to be final. The governor and 
council were also to legislate for the better government of 

also the following extract of a letter from Gage to Haldiniand, written 
from London, January 5, 1774: " The Paper given you by Bloiiin and 
Clajon, is an exact Copy of that I sent to the Illinois, for the Com- 
mandant to show the Inhabitants, and endeavour to persuade them to 
petition for a Government of that Nature." B. M., Haldimand Papers, 
Corr. with Gage, 1 758-1 777, vol. IV. For another declaration from 
Gage as to his part, see Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch., 
series B, vol. 5, p. 142. It may be observed further that when the sketch 
of government was drawn up and sent to Illinois, Lord Dartmouth had 
nothing to do with American affairs. He did not take charge of the 
colonial office until August, 1772. See Appendix to Hunt's Pol. Hist, 
of Eng., X, 473. 

^^ The original sketch, in French, unsigned and undated, is among 
the Kaskaskia Papers. There is also a copy in the British Museum, 
Add. MSS., 21,687, subscribed to by a notary public in Kaskaskia, 
June 13, 1773, and by William Clazon in New York, November 2, 
1773. It is endorsed, however, as being a " Memoire des Habitants 
des Illinois, qui fut presente par Mess. Bloiiin et Clargeon." This 
copy had been sent by the inhabitants of Illinois to their representatives 
in New York, according to the letter of Bloiiin to Dartmouth cited 
above in note 9, and was placed by them in Haldimand's hands. The 
endorsement is evidently the work of a clerk, who did not understand 
the situation, and has caused one or two errors to be made. In the 
calendar of Haldimand Papers, Can. Arch. Kept., 1885, 203, the 
document is described as a ^' Memorial of the inhabitants of the Illinois 
for a ('ivil Government, presented by Messrs. Bloiiin and Clargeon, on 
the 3rd of November, 1773 (in French)." Coffin, The Province of 
Quebec and the Early Ajn. Rev., 417, n. 2, takes the statement in the 
Can. Arch. Kept, in good faith. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 151 

the country, regulate fees for the support of the courts, and 
fines for certain crimes, which, with confiscations, were to 
be applied to the extra expenses of the government. The 
estimated expense of the proposed government was three 
hundred and nine pounds, seven shillings sterling per 
annum/® 

In pursuance of Gage's orders Commandant Hamilton 
convened the principal inhabitants of the village in the sum- 
mer of 1772, and addressed them on the subject of a civil 
government.^'* ** They were very high on the Occasion", 
however, and '' expected to appoint their Governor and all 
other Civil Magistrates." '° Upon being requested to draw 
up their plan in writing and sign it, the French informed 
Hamilton that they had deputed Daniel Blouin to represent 
them before General Gage, and that until they could learn 
what success he had met with, they would give no definite 
answer. ^^ 

A few weeks later Gage transmitted to Secretary Hills- 
borough the following account of the negotiations up to that 
time : * ' An answer has been returned to the Proposals sent 
to the Illinois for the arrangements for that Country with 
an Account of the motives the people of those Settlements 
have formed of a Civil Government ; which I transmit your 
Lordship in the inclosed Extract of a Letter from Major 
Hamilton. Those ideas were given them by the Mons. 
Blouin mentioned in the Major's Letter, or rather an asso- 
ciate of his named Clajon, a Frenchman by birth, an ad- 

18 " Civil Officers for the Illinois", in General Gage's of April 13, 
1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. In this memorandum Gage 
suggested that the governor receive 182 pounds sterUng per annum, each 
of the magistrates 800 French livres, and a secretary to the governor 
and council and keeper of the records 500 livres. 

19 Hamilton to Gage, August 8, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 127. 

^^Ibid. ^^ Ibid. 



152 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

venturer, artful and intelligent, who, after passing some 
years in these Colonies went to the Spanish side of the Mis- 
sissippi and during his residence in the Colonies, he learnt 
the English language and got a shallow knowledge of our 
Laws. Those two People came to me from the Illinois 
about twelve Months ago; but from their character, the 
disturbance they had occasioned in the Country, and the 
extravagant proposals they brought, I refused to enter into 
any Conference with them on subjects that had relation to 
Civil Government. ' ' ^^ 

Although Gage apparently gave the French leaders little 
encouragement, they had hope that in time some sort of 
civil government would be established. During the visit of 
the French representatives in New York there was published 
in Philadelphia, in 1772, a pamphlet entitled "Invitation 
S^rieuse aux Habitants des Illinois ' ', which emanated from 
some member of the French party seeking a new govern- 
ment.^^ The writer of this French tract urged his neighbors 
in Illinois to shake off the lethargy which had so long en- 
veloped them, and win economic independence for the col- 
ony. They were urged to follow the example of their en- 
terprizing friends who lived among them. He argued that 
if the British government had fully understood the situation 
of the Illinois French who had not as yet enjoyed any ben- 

^'^ September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. Gage 
further declares that " Clazon is the chief mover, and puts all into the 
mouth of Bloiiin, and since his residence in our Provinces is become a 
mere Republican." Gage to Haldimand, January 5, 1774, B. M. , 
Haldimand Papers, Add. MSS., 21 ,655. In a letter to Haldimand, June 
3, 1773, Gage wrote: " They [Bloiiin and Clazon] shewed me a Sketch 
of a Republican Government two years ago, which they were told 
would not be received." Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142. 

^^ See reprint of this pamphlet in Publicatio7ts of Club for Colonial 
Reprints, IV, with introduction and notes by C. W. Alvord and C. E. 
Carter, wherein an attempt is made to trace its authorship to Bloiiin 
and Clazon. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 153 

efits from becoming English subjects, it would long since 
have granted them a civil government. He also prophesied 
that in a short time the right to enjoy their religion would 
be confirmed and a civil government established. 

The French party failed, however, to obtain a government 
along the lines applied for."^* Not only was Lord Hillsborough 
opposed to it, but his successer Lord Dartmouth declared 
himself against such a popular form of government. Writ- 
ing to Gage March 3 , 1772, he explained his position : 
**The Propositions toward forming a Government for the 
Illinois Country, suggested to you long ago by the Inhabi- 
tants of that District were certainly in the outline of them 
too absurd and extravagant to afford the least ground for 
consideration." '^^ 

The attention of the authorities had been called, how- 
ever, to the needs of the Illinois villages : indeed for a num- 
ber of years considerable thought had been given to their 
disposition. The idea was at times advanced of removing 

^* Compare this movement with the proposals of Major Robert Rogers 
to erect a civil government at Michilimakinac in 1767. In a long re- 
port on Indian and trade conditions at the northern post Major Rogers 
declares that the only remedy for existing evils is to establish a govern- 
ment there. He proposes that " Michillimackinac and its depend- 
encies, should be erected into a Civil Government; with a Governer, 
Lieutenant Governer, and a Council, of Twelve; chose out of the 
Principal Merchants, that carry on this valuable branch of Trade [fur- 
trade] with Power to enact, such Laws as may be necessary and these 
be transmitted to the king, etc, for Approbation: That the Governer, 
should be Agent for the Indians, and Commandant of the Troops, that 
may be ordered to Garrison the Fort ..." In a closing paragraph 
he says: "Whereas by the propos'd Plan, all are under a Civil Power 
and ye Gov. Commandant of the Troops, and Agent to the Indians — 
Which wou'd cause every Branch to be countenanc'd for the mutual 
safety of each other." "Journal of Major Rogers' Proceedings with 
the Indians at the Garrison of Michilimakinac from May the 24th to 
July 23d, 1767", MS. in Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. 

2^ Dartmouth to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Haldimand Papers, 
Add.MSS. , 21,697. For the same opinion, see same to same, Novem- 
ber 4, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. 



154 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

all the inhabitants from Illinois to Canada. ^^ Although this 
was deemed impracticable," it may nevertheless be said that 
the government was thoroughly anxious to reach a satisfac- 
tory solution of the problem. Secretary Hillsborough was 
fully aware of the situation and was awakened to the neces- 
sity of taking some steps, for in 1769 he declared that ** if 
the case of these settlements had been well known or under- 
stood at the time of forming the conquered Lands into 
Colonies, some provision would have been made for them, 
and they would have been erected into distinct Govern- 
ments or made dependent upon those Colonies of which 
they were either the ojffspring, or with which they did by 
circumstances and situation, stand connected. I shall not 
fail, therefore, to give this matter the fullest consideration 
when the business of the Illinois Country is taken up."^^ 
We find his successor, Lord Dartmouth, expressing the 
opinion in 1772 that the '* state of the Illinois District ap- 
pears to me in every light in which it is viewed to require a 
very serious consideration, and I will not fail to collect as 
soon as possible those informations which may enable me 
to form a judgment, as well of the arrangements which have 
been already made respecting that Country, as of those 
which may be further necessary , considering it in a light of 
a Colony of the King's subjects."''^ And more emphati- 
cally still a little later he wrote : *'It has always appeared, 

2^ Hillsborough to Gage, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 127; Gage to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS., 
XLni, vol. 3, p. 165. 

2'' " I fear there are but too many obstacles to such a measure, and 
therefore it will be the more necessary to consider whether any per- 
manent plan ought to be adopted." Hillsborough to Gage, December 
4, 1 771, P. R. 0., Am. and W. I., vol. 126. 

^* Letter to Gage, December 9, 1769, ibid., vol. 124. 

^® Letter to Gage, November 4, ibia., vol. 128. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 155 

and does still appear to me, that if those Inhabitants have 
(as I conceive they have) a Right, under the Treaty of 
Paris to continue in their possessions, it is both dangerous 
and disgraceful to leave that District without such Regula- 
tions as may on the one hand insure to the Inhabitants that 
Protection in their Civil Rights which they are entitled to 
expect, as on the other hand to secure their Allegiance as 
Subjects. I shall, therefore, think it my Duty to make this 
an Object of my attention. "^^ 

In the meantime events were taking place in Illinois 
which changed somewhat the attitude of the people. Under 
the administration of Wilkins the people had evidently suf- 
fered a good many indignities. Moreover, at the begin- 
ning of his regime we have seen that he did not look with 
disfavor upon the questionable operations of one of the 
great trading companies in Illinois, inasmuch as his private 
interests were being subserved at the same time. But 
eventually his connection with Baynton, Wharton and 
Morgan was broken, and party factions began to form. 
From 1770 to 1772 the whole country was apparently 
torn by party strife. ^^ Wilkins also attempted to enrich 
himself at the expense of the government by falsify- 
ing his accounts and by misappropriating large sums of 
money. ^^ Finally the officers of his regiment preferred 

30 Letter to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,697. 

^1 ** There has been a strange work at Illinois, very bad Proceedings 
carried on — indeed most shameful ones. A Quarrel amongst them has 
laid open scandalous Scenes, and able is Faction." Gage to Haldi- 
mand, September 13, 1771, ibid.^ 21,655. 

3^ Engineer Hutchins to Captain Sowers, April 8, 1771, ibid.; Gage 
to Haldimand, September 13, 1771, ibid.'. Gage to Wilkins, Septem- 
ber 16, 1771, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 50; Captain Sowers to 
Gage, September 17, 1 77 1, ibid.'. Gage to Haldimand, June 9, 1772, 
ibid., p. 103. For a denial by Wilkins see Wilkins to Gage, April 7, 
1772, ibid.^ p. 76. 



156 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

serious charges against him,^^ and he was dismissed from 
the service in September, 1772.^* His successor, however, 
did not arrive until the following spring, after which Wil- 
kins sailed for England. '^^ Major Isaac Hamilton took 
charge of the fort temporarily ,^* but was relieved in a few 
weeks by Captain Hugh Lord,^' who took up his post at 
Fort Gage, near Kaskaskia, because Commandant Hamil- 
ton,^* acting under orders from Gage,^^ had destroyed Fort 
de Chartres on account of the ravages of the Mississippi 
River/° During the next two years the relation between 

^^ Gage to Haldimand, September i, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 
21,655. 

** Gage to Haldimand, September 13, 1771, ibid. 

'^Haldimand to Gage, July 14, 1772, Can, Arch., series B, vol. 5, 
p. 109. 

^^Gage to Hillsborough, July i, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. There is but one document, aside from a letter, in which 
Hamilton signs himself as commandant in Illinois. June 6, 1772, he 
approves the decision of an arbitration court, Kaskaskia Record Book, 
p. 180. 

^"^ Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and W. 
I., vol. 128. 

58 Thomas Willing to Haldimand, July 6, 1772, B. M., Add. MSS., 
21,721; Gage to Hillsborough, September 2, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, September 4, 1772, General Gage's 
Letters, Harvard College Library; Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, 
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142. 

•''^Cabinet Minute, December i, 1771, Dartmouth Vz.^tx%, Fourteenth 
Report, Royal Hist. MSS. Commission, Appendix X, 81 ; Hillsborough 
to Gage, December 4, 1771, P. R. O., Am. and W. L, vol. 127; Gage 
to Hillsborough, March 4, 1772, Sparks MSS., XLHI, vol. 3, p. 
165; Gage to Haldimand, March 16, 1772, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 
5' P- 73; Gage to Hillsborough, April 13, 1772, P. R. O., Am. and 
W. L, vol. 128. The current opinion has heretofore been that the 
Mississippi floods destroyed the fort. See any State history for state- 
ment to that effect. 

*^ For an account of the anxiety felt for the security of the fort, and 
of the various attempts to secure it, see Wilkins to Gage, September 13, 
1768, P. R. O., Am. and W. L, vol. 124; Gage to Hillsborough, 
January 6, 1770, ibid., vol. 126; same to same, December 7, 1770, 
ibid.; Hillsborough to Gage, February 11, 1771, ibid.., vol. 127; same 
to same, July 3, 1771, ibid. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT 157 

commandant and people was greatly altered. Captain 
Lord entered upon a policy of conciliation, and in a short 
time won the confidence and respect of the inhabitants," 
with the result that their clamor for a change of government 
was considerably minimized. The tact which he displayed 
in his relations with the French, and his boldness in deal- 
ing with the Indian nations" likewise elicited the com- 
mendation both of the commanding general and of the 
home authorities.*^ The abuses and disorders of previous 
years had been largely a matter of controversy and mutual 
accusation, but with the removal of Wilkins, and the ejec- 

*^ See for example, letter of Daniel Bloiiin to Dartmouth, October 6, 
1773, wherein he speaks of Captain Lord as acting " so fairly ", B. T. 
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI. The Kaskaskia Records show 
no evidence of the least hostiUty to Lord, and the official correspon- 
dence likewise reveals no proof of friction. 

*2The period from 1772 to 1774 was a critical one in Indian affairs 
throughout the West. In 1774 occurred the Dunmore War, involving 
the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and at the same time all the 
western Indians were extremely uneasy. Murders and raids were es- 
pecially frequent in Ilhnois. For illustrations of this and of Com- 
mandant Lord's conduct, see Lord to Gage, April 20, 1772, Can. 
Arch., series B, vol. 27, p. 204; Letter of Charles Stuart, May I, 1772, 
ihid., vol. 12, p. 118; Gage to Hillsborough, May 6, 1772, P. R. O., 
Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, May 12, 1772, General 
Gage's Letters, Harvard College Library; Hamilton to Stuart, May 29, 
1772, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 12, p. 75; Lord to Stuart, May 30, 

1772, ibid.^ p. 77; Gage to Johnson, September 4, 1772, General 
Gage's Letters; Dartmouth to Gage, November 4, 1772, P. R. O., 
Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Gage to Johnson, December 15, 1772, 
General Gage's Letters; Gage to Johnson, March 31, 1773, ibid.-, 
same to same, April 25, 1773, ibid.-. Lord to Gage, April 20, 1773, 
B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687; Gage to Dartmouth, June 2, 1773, P. R. 
O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldimand to Gage, August 31, 1773, 
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 182; Haldimand to Dartmouth, August 
31, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,695; Dartmouth to Johnson, Decem- 
ber I, 1773, N. Y. Col. Z>or5., VIII, 404; letter to Gage, July 3, 
1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 280; letter to Charles Stuart, 
July 22, 1774, ibid., vol. 12, p. 388. 

*" Gage to Dartmouth, February 8, 1773, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128; same to same. May 5, 1773, ibid.-, same to same, June 2, 

1773, ibid.', Dartmouth to Haldimand, December i, 1773, Johnson 
MSS., vol. XXV, no. 221. 



158 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

tion from the country of the English and French concerned 
in the disputes,*^ complaints became less frequent/^ 

The government was anxious, nevertheless, to displace 
the military government by one more suited to the needs 
of the people. Although the constitution proposed by the 
French representatives was not acceptable, the authorities 
were willing to establish one along the lines suggested by 
Gage in 1772,*^ which was certainly an improvement over 
the military government and over the system under which 
they had lived during the French regime. Gage ordered 
the commandant, therefore, to give the people another trial 
and to intimate to them that their request for a govern- 
ment of such a character would be favorably received, 
provided their petition be forwarded from Illinois through 
the regular military channels. ^'^ But the changed condi- 
tion of things in Illinois had brought about a feeling of 

**Gage to Haldimand, May 5, 1773, P* R- ^••> Am. and W. I., 
vol. 128. 

« Ibid. 

*6 " A Civil Establishment at the Ilinois has been very long an object 
of consideration; and as I have comprehended the matter, the only 
obstacle towards the completion of it, has been the Difficulty of form- 
ing a Government of small Expence, and suitable to their Situation and 
Circumstances." Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, ^^id. "There 
have been Thoughts of a Civil Government at the Ilinois, if the people 
should desire one in such a Form as His Majesty could grant and suit- 
able to their situation." Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. 
Arch., series B, vol. 5, p. 142. 

*'' *' I have . . . wrote to the Commanding Officer at Kaskaskies to 
desire he would confer again with the people of the Ilinois on the sub- 
ject of a Civil Government, and endeavour to prevail on them to send, 
thro' him, some reasonable proposals on that head ..." Gage to 
Dartmouth, April 7, 1773, P- ^- O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. 
"Captain Lord has again Orders to try the people on the Subject and 
to prevail on them to apply properly through their Commanding Ofifi- 
cer. " Gage to Haldimand, June 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 
5, p. 142. Gage further says that he "gave the Inhabitants of that 
Country to Understand I should receive no Proposals but through their 
Commander". Gage to Haldimand, January 5, 1774, B. M., Add, 
MSS., 21,665. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNBIENT 159 

indifference towards the whole question. In a report to 
General Haldimand, the acting commander-in-chief in 
1773, Commandant Lord wrote that *' The Inhabitants 
have given me no answer on the subject of a Civil Es- 
tablishment." **I believe", he continued, *' the appre- 
hension they have of losing all the Troops should the Civil 
Government be fixed makes them so inactive in the matter. 
The little money that circulates now comes first from the 
Troops. Should they be recalled, the inhabitants hav- 
ing no market for their Property, would soon be reduced to 
the most miserable situation in life." ^^ There is no evi- 
dence that any further interest was taken in the subject by 
the inhabitants themselves. ^^ 

*8 September 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 31, p. 7. 

*9 This is somewhat contrary to the current view. Bancroft says on 
this point : " It was on the fourth of November that the fathers of the 
Commonwealth of Illinois, through their agent Daniel Blouin, for- 
warded their indignant protest against the proposed form, which they 
rejected as oppressive and absurd; much worse than any of the French 
or even the Spanish Colonies; . . . 'Should a Government so evi- 
dently tyranical be established ', such was their language to the British 
minister, ' it could be of no long duration; there would exist the neces- 
sity of its being abolished'." Hist, of U. S., ed. 1854, VI, 472. 
Mason, Chapters from III. Hist.y 283, and, quite recently, Parrish, 
Historic III., have enlarged upon the story. They declare that, in a 
public meeting, and under the leadership of Daniel Bloiiin, a protest 
was drawn up by the inhabitants against the plan proposed by the gov- 
ernment, and forwarded to Lord Dartmouth. This is a myth, pure and 
simple. Bancroft's original statement is based upon a letter written to 
Dartmouth by Blouin, dated at New York, November 4, 1773. From 
this letter Bancroft extracted the detached phrases regarding the op- 
pression, etc., of the plan quoted in his statement. A careful reading 
of the whole letter indicates, however, that the sentiments expressed 
are those of Blouin and Clazon, and not of the people of lUinois. For 
this letter see P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128. There is abso- 
lutely no record to indicate that any public meeting was held in 1773 
to consider a government. Proof of the apathy of the people has 
just been cited. Nor is there any evidence that Bloiiin was in Ilh- 
nois between 1771 and 1774. For evidence that he was in New York 
or the East during this time, see Blouin to Dartmouth, October 6, 
1773, B. T. Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), vol. XXXI, and Haldimand to 
Lord, October 13, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,693. 



i6o THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

Another wave of land speculation ^ similar to that of 
1766 occurred in 1773, when we find the organization of 
the Illinois Land Company, composed chiefly of Philadel- 
phians, and in 1775, upon the formation of the Wabash 
Land Company. William Murray , representing the Illinois 
Company, purchased from the Indians in 1773 one large 
tract of land on the Illinois River, and another south of 
Kaskaskia on the Ohio, both of which the company pur- 
posed to colonize. Later the Wabash Company, through 
its agent Viviat, an Illinois Frenchman, purchased tracts 
on the Wabash River. These purchases were in direct 
contravention of the proclamation of 1763, and, although 
the purchasers exhibited the opinions of Lord Camden and 
Chancellor York to the effect that such transactions were 
valid , ^^ the government through General Gage annulled the 

^^ The following extract from a letter of Gage is of interest in this 
connection: "There have many reports spread through America con- 
cerning New Governments on the Ohio and the Mississippi, and a Book 
called Political Essays has been lately published in London, wherein 
the Author treats largely of the Colonies. He finds great fault with 
England for Colonizing in the Manner she has done in the Northern 
Provinces, and blames the Ministers for not endeavouring to remedy 
past Errors, by opening new Tracts of fertile Lands to the Westward, 
to tempt the Northern People to move thither; and talks of the great 
advantage to be obtained by establishing new Governments . . , He 
advances many things as Facts, which we all know to be absolute 
Falsehoods." Letter to Haldimand, May 18, 1772, B. M., Add. 
MSS., 21,693. Gage refers doubtless to /'if'/z/zV^:/ Essays concerning 
the Pj'esent State of the British Empire, etc. Under section IV, " De- 
fects in the Establishment of the Colonies and the means of Remedying 
them ", he treats of the desirability of settlements on the Mississippi 
and Ohio. He criticises severely the proclamation of 1763 restricting 
settlements east of the Alleghany Mountains. James Adair, another 
contemporarj^ writer, in an elaborate argument, censures the policy of 
the English Government in refusing to found colonies and governments 
in the West, on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, where the surplus 
population of England and the colonies might go, History of the Amer- 
ican Indian^ 454-460. 

^' Gage to Haldimand, February 2, 1 774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 
5, p. 214; Lord to Gage, July 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687, 
For the opinion of York see B. M., Add. MSS., 21,687. 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENT i6i 

grants.^^ This ended the successive attempts to create an 
independent colony in the Illinois country. 

In 1774 came the opportunity to make a final disposition 
of the Illinois French. During the period under consid- 
eration events had so shaped themselves in the neighboring 
colony of Canada that the ministry was under the necessity 
of reorganizing the government of that province. The 
proclamation of 1763 had extended English law to Canada 
with the result that the French inhabitants were subjected 
to many hardships. Their grievances were now to be taken 
into consideration by the government, and as the solution 
of the western and Canadian problems seemed to be 
closely connected, the two questions were taken up at the 
same time. General Gage was summoned home in 1773, 
and was directed to bring with him every paper relating to 
the West which might tend to '* explain as well the causes 
as the effects " of the abuses and disorders in Illinois. ^^ 

^^ For an account of the Illinois and Wabash land companies, see a 
pamphlet published in Philadelphia in 1796 entitled Account of the 
Proceedings of the Illinois and Ouabache Land Companies. See also 
memorials in American State Papers^ Public Lands, vols. I and II. 
The history of their operations may be traced in the following letters : 
Lord to Haldimand, July 3, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 70, p. 
132; Lord to Gage, July 3, 1773, Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 211; 
Johnson to Haldimand, September 30, 1773, B. M., Haldimand 
Papers, Corr. with Sir William Johnson, 1 759-1 774; Haldimand to 
Dartmouth, October 6, 1773, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35; Haldi- 
mand to Lord, October 10, 1773, ^^^^^-j p. no; Haldimand to John- 
son, October 20, 1773, B.M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Sir William 
Johnson, 1 759-1 774; Dartmouth to Haldimand, November i, 1773, 
Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35, p. 52; Haldimand to Dartmouth, No- 
vember 13, 1773, B. M., Haldimand Papers, Corr. with Lord Dart- 
mouth, 1 773-1 775; Dartmouth to Haldimand, December i, 1773, 
Johnson MSS., vol. XXV, no. 221; Haldimand to Dartmouth, Janu- 
ary 5, 1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 35, p. 62; Dartmouth to Haldi- 
mand, January 8, 1774, P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldi- 
mand to Lord, March 9, 1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. 33, p. 233; 
Haldimand to Gage, March 4, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS,, 21,655. 

5' Dartmouth to Gage, March 3, 1773, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,697. 
It was also decided to send an agent into the Illinois country for the 



t62 THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1774 

As a result of his recommendations and of the investigations 
of the ministry the Quebec Act of 1774 was enacted,^ ac- 
cording to the provisions of which the entire Northwest was 
included within the limits of the province of Quebec. ^'^ In 
the instructions issued to the governor of Canada in January, 
1775,^ we find provisions for the government of Illinois. 
It was to be governed from Quebec, and a lieutenant-gov- 
ernor or superintendent was to reside at Kaskaskia , ■'^' at 
which place also a lower court of King's Bench was to be 
established to cooperate with the superior courts of the 
province in general."** 

These arrangements were not put into execution, how- 
ever, because of the outbreak of the American Revolution, 
which absorbed the whole attention of both the home gov- 
ernment and Canada. As early as January, 1774, the de- 
tachment of troops had been ordered to leave Fort Gage, 
and the allowance to the commanding officer discontinued.^ 

purpose of making an exact report of every phase of the western prob- 
lem, including Indian affairs and the temper of the French inhabitants. 
A Major Hay was selected for the mission. Dartmouth to Haldimand, 
October 14, 1773, P- R- 0-» Am. and W. I., vol. 128; Haldimand to 
Dartmouth, March 2, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS., 21,695; Haldimand 
to Johnson, April 7, 1774, ibid., 21,670; same to same, April 29, 
1774, ibid.'y letter to Robert Basset, April 30, 1774, Mich. Pioneer 
and Hist. Colls., X, 260; Johnson to Haldimand, May 5, 1774, Can. 
Arch., series B, vol. X, p. 165; Guy Johnson to Haldimand, August 20, 
1774, Can. Arch., series B, vol. X, p. 178. The results of the mission, 
however, do not appear. 

•''* Text of the Act in Can. Const. Docs., I'j^g-i'jgi, 401-405. This 
volume also contains the various draughts of the bill. For the best 
discussion of the act, see Coffin, Province of Quebec and the Early Am. 
Rev., 275-562. 

^* Can. Const. Docs., ly^g-iygi, 402. 

*^ Can. Arch. Report, 1904, 229-242. 

^'^ Ibid., 2.y^. ^^ Ibia., 2^2, 

^® Barrington to Haldimand, February 2, 1774, B. M., Add. MSS., 
21,695. '^^s ^^so " List of Ofilicers who have commanded at the Out- 
posts from 25th December 1772 to 24th December 1773 inclusive", 
ibid..^ 21,696. Lord and a few of the soldiers did not, however, leave 



STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL GOVERNMENI 163 

From this time on little or no attention was paid to western 
affairs. Illinois was left in the hands of a Frenchman 
named Roche blave , who acted as agent for the government 
from 1776 to 1778.^ His best efforts to save the country 
to Great Britain were, however, in vain. As the govern- 
ment had ignored his call for troops, an American army 
under George Rogers Clark easily effected the conquest of 
Illinois, and the whole Northwest in 1778. 

until the spring of 1776. There is evidence of this in A Narrative 
of the Transactions,^ Imprisonment and Sufferings of yohn Connolly ^ 
an American Loyalist,, 19-29, and in Carleton to Lord, July 19, 1776, 
B. M., Add. MSS., 21,699. 

^''Alvord, ///. Hist. Colls., II, xxxi-xliii. 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX. 



I. Memorial of the Mississippi Company to the King 

AND Resolutions for the Government of 

THE Company.' 

At a meeting of the Mississippi Company at Belleview Sept. 
9th, 1763. 



Present, 



Thomas Ludwell Lee 
George Washington 
Francis Lightfoot Lee 
Thomas Bullitt 
Richard Henry Lee 
Anthony Stewart 
William Lee 
John Aug. Washington 
Charles Diggs 



Presly Thornton 
James Douglas 
William Fitzhugh, Sen. 
Henry Fitzhugh 
Francis Thornton 
George Stimson 
William Booth 
William Brent 
Robert Brent 



A Memorial to his Majesty being read, some amendments 
made thereto, the same was agreed to and is as folio weth : 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

The Humble Memorial of Inhabitants of Great Britain, Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, etc. 

May it please Your Majesty, 

The Memorialists considering it the duty of all good subjects 
to improve to the utmost of their power the blessings of peace 
and reflecting how this improvement may be best obtained by 
the exertions of their abilities and the applications of their for- 
tunes ; have proposed with the approbation and under the pro- 

^ Chatham MSS., vol. 97, Public Record Office, London. 

165 



1 66 D OCVMENTAR Y APPENDIX 

tection of Your Majesty to settle as speedily and as effectually 
as possible, some part of that vast country on the Mississippi 
and its waters ; now unquestionably your Majesty's territory by 
the late Treaty of Peace. 

The Increase of the people, the extension of trade and the 
enlargement of the revenue are with certainty to be expected, 
where the fertility of the soil, and mildness of the Climate in- 
vite emigrants (provided they can obtain Lands on easy terms) 
to settle and cultivate commodities most wanted by Great 
Britain and which will bear the charges of a tedious naviga- 
tion, by the high prices usually given for them, — such as Hemp, 
Flax, Silk, Wine, Potash, Cochineal, Indigo, Iron, etc., by 
which means the Mother Country will be supplied with many 
necessary materials, that are now purchased of foreigners at a 
very great expense. Especially naval stores so essential to the 
very being of a commercial state, that it must index great re- 
straints, in all transactions with those powers by whom they 
are furnished. Whilst the inhabitants of the infant settlements, 
finding their labor most profitably bestowed upon Agriculture 
will not think of interfering with the Mother Country in Manu- 
factures but afford a never failing demand for them. 

To effect these good purposes the memorialists have formed 
themselves into a Company by the name of the Mississippi 
Company, that by a Union of their Councils and fortunes they 
may in the most prudent and proper manner explore and as 
quickly as possible settle that part of the Country hereafter 
mentioned, if your Majesty shall be graciously pleased to in- 
dulge them with these conditions. 

I St That Your Majesty grant unto your memorialists, being 
fifty in number by name of the Mississippi Company two mil- 
lion five hundred thousand acres of Land on the Mississippi 
and its waters, to be laid off within the following bounds begin- 
ning upon the East side of the River Mississippi one hundred 
and twenty miles above or to the northward of the confluence 
of the River Ohio therewith. Thence by a line to strike the 
River Wabash or St. Ireon eighty miles above its junction with 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 167 

the River Ohio. Thence southerly crossing the River Ohio 
one hundred and twenty miles above the union of the Ohio and 
Wabash, and abutting on the main branch of the River Chero- 
kee or Tennessee one hundred and fifty miles above the junc- 
tion of Cherokee River with Ohio and proceeding thence 
Westerly in a line to strike the River Mississippi ninety miles 
below the union of Ohio with that River ; thence upon the said 
River to the beginning. 

2ly That your memorialists shall have liberty of holding 
their lands twelve or any other larger number of years that 
your Majesty shall approve (after a survey thereof shall have 
been made and returned) clear of all composition money quit 
rent or taxes. And that your memorialists within twelve 
years shall be obliged to seat the said lands with two hundred 
families, at the least, if not interrupted by the Savages, or any 
Foreign Enemy, and to return the Survey thereof to such office 
as your Majesty shall be pleased to direct, otherwise to forfeit 
the grant, so to be made by your Majesty, and the said lands 
liable to the entries of any other Adventurers. 

The Memorialists humbly hope that Your Majesty may be 
graciously moved to grant these favorable terms in considera- 
tion of the heavy charges and great expences they must neces- 
sarily incur, in the exploring, surveying and settling this dis- 
tant Country and the great risk they will run of losing their 
property, from their contiguity to the French and their prox- 
imity to the Indian Nations. And because it has been proved 
by experience, that large tracts of land taken up by Companies 
may be retailed by them to Individuals, much cheaper than 
they can obtain them immediately from the Crown, occasioned 
by the charges arising from the solicitation of patents, making 
surveys and other contingent expences. Besides the difficulty 
the poorer sort are under from their ignorance of the proper 
methods to be taken in solliciting patents as well as their in- 
ability to advance ready money for such purposes. Whereas 
from Companies they have only to receive their Conveyances, 
without any previous Expence, credit given them to make their 



i68 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 

payments, when by their industry they become enabled to 
do so. 

And though attempts to settle in this way have sometimes 
miscarried, in the hands of Gentlemen possessed of afluent 
fortunes, because of that indolence and inattention frequently 
attending persons in such circumstances especially when not 
excited by the near prospect of immediate and considerable 
profit. The greater part of the present Adventurers being of 
good families and considerable influence in the Counties where 
they live, though possessed of but moderate fortunes, are in- 
duced from the goodness of the Soil and Climate of the Coun- 
try upon the Mississippi to believe that by a proper application 
of their money and industry, they will acquire as well a present 
advantage as a provision for their prosperity ; which being 
joined by the pleasing prospect of public utility ; all their affairs 
will be conducted with that spirited assiduity, which in matters 
of danger and difficulty, can only insure success. The truth 
of this is evident from a determined resolution in several of 
the members to be themselves among the first settlers. 

The Memorialists most humbly submit it to Your Majestie's 
great Wisdom whether the remote situation of this Country from 
the Colonies already settled may not render it expedient to pro- 
tect the Infant Settlement from the insults of the Savages. 
Which protection might effectually be obtained, if Your Majesty 
were graciously pleased to order a small P^ort to be garrisoned 
at the confluence of Cherokee River with Ohio ; as it would 
interpose between the first Settlers, and the Chicazaw and 
Chattaes Indians, the only powerful Nations in that quarter. 
Which is probable, might by a small garrison, be influenced 
to continue in their ancient amity with British Subjects, Es- 
pecially the former of these Nations, whose faith and friendship 
have ever remained firm and unaltered. At the same time a 
garrison placed at the junction of Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, 
if they should be disposed to encroach on the Dominions of 
Your Majesty, in that part where they appear to have been in- 
clinable to take footing on account of its communication with 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 169 

the northwestern lakes ; and the conveniences wherewith in 
time of War they can harass and disturb Your Majestie's Colo- 
nies already settled. 

It is humbly conceived from the mild and friendly disposition 
of the Southern Indians that the Settlement of the Country pro- 
posed, may be obtained more safely and speedily by beginning 
such settlem'- in their Neighborhood than further North, where 
the fierce and warlike Irocois, with their six Nations ever ac- 
customed to War and shedding of blood, would certainly ob- 
struct, if not absolutely prevent the Settlement for many years 
to come, while the southern Settlem^- begun in safety and ad- 
vancing in security will soon become much too powerful to be 
prevented in their progress, by the enmity of the Northern or 
any other Indians. At the same time that by conducting a 
trade useful to the Indians on the borders of Mississippi they 
will effectually prevent the success of that cruel policy, which 
has ever directed the French even in time of peace, to prevail 
with the Indians their Neighbors to lay waste the frontiers of 
Your Majestie's Colonies thereby to prevent their increase. 

In consideration of the reasons here afforded, the Memorial- 
ists most humbly submit this their Memorial to Your Majesty's 
Wisdom. 

Resolved that W"* Lee, Esq., be appointed Treasurer to the 
Company and that he give Bond with Security, in the Penalty 
of One thousand pounds current money to the Company for 
the just and faithful performance of his Office of Treasurer. 

Resolved that the annual general meeting of the Com- 
pany shall be held at Stafford Court House in Virginia on the 
first day of October if the same should not happen on Sunday ; 
if it should then the meeting to be on the day following. 

Resolved that the following members to wit, Honble 
Presly Thornton, Thomas Ludwell Lee, Richard Henry Lee, 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, Henry Fitzhugh, John Augustine Wash- 
ington, William Booth, William Brodenbrough, Richard Parker 
Esquire, and Doctor William Flood be appointed a Committee 
of the Company who are to meet at Westmoreland Court House 



170 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 



in Virginia twice a year (that is to say) on the loth day of May 
and the loth day of November, if not on Sunday; if it sho*^- 
happen to be on Sunday, then the meeting to be on the next 
day and likewise they are to meet as much oftener as the affairs 
of the Company require ; and the said Committee to have such 
power as they, by the general Articles of Agreement, are vested 
with. 

Resolved that the said Committee do with all possible dih- 
gence transmit the Memorial after the same shall be fairly 
transcribed, to Thos. Gumming Esqr. of London to be by him 
laid before the King; that they invite Mr. Cumming to be one 
of the Company, and desire him to procure subscribers to the 
Scheme, not exceeding nine of such influence and fortune as 
may be likely to promote its success. That the Committee re- 
quest Mr. Cumming, that if he sho'd not choose to be one of 
the Company or to sollicit their Grant, to put all their affairs 
into the hands of an Agent or Sollicitor as in his opinion may 
be most likely by his Interest and Diligence to Succeed; That 
Mr. Cumming on finding the Ministry disposed to comply with 
the Company's Memorial give the most early intelligence 
thereof to the Committee, in order that a meeting of the Com- 
pany may be had to raise such a Sum of money as may be 
sufficient to obtain Letters Patent from the Grown, that in the 
meantime he proceed as far as the nature of the thing will 
admit in issuing out the said Letters Patent ; That he inform 
the Committee, the expence that will accrue on the said issuing 
of such Letters Patent. 

Resolved that the Sum of One Hundred and Twenty-two 
pounds Sterling be forthwith paid by the Company into the 
hands of the Treasurer to be by him disposed of according to 
the direction of the Committee. Each member being allowed 
to pay his proportion in so much current money of Virginia as 
will amount to his Sterling proportion. 

Resolved that the Committee inform Mr. Cumming that if 
he chooses to undertake the Sollicitation of their affairs they 
present him with an hundred Guineas as an earnest of their 
present and future good-will. 



DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 1 7 1 

Resolved that altho' the Original Articles of Agreement, do 
declare that a general meeting of the Company shall be had 
at one particular time and place annually ; yet if it shall happen 
that the circumstances of affairs render it necessary that a gen- 
eral meeting should be more frequently held, the Committee 
shall have power to summon the said general meeting (by ad- 
vertising it twice in the Virginia and Maryland Gazette) as 
often as shall be requisite, and a majority of such general 
meeting as meet shall have full and ample power to determine 
all matters relative to the Company and their determinations 
to be binding on the whole Company and that it shall be a 
never failing rule of the Company, whenever a contrariety of 
opinion shall arise concerning the Sum of money to be raised 
and different Sums shall be proposed, that the least Sum men- 
tioned shall first be put to question, and rise from thence to 
the next greatest Sum, untill the highest Sum proposed has 
been put, and that which has the largest number of votes 
shall be the Sum to be raised by the Company. 

Resolved that if the Company shall be so fortunate as to 
succeed in their Sollicitations, and a grant be obtained for the 
Lands they request in that Case when it shall be determined 
by a general meeting that a division of the Lands shall be 
made, such a division, shall for the sake of fairness and im- 
partiality, be effected in the following manner: The whole 
Quantity of Land shall be divided into as many equal lots or 
parcels, as there shall be members or shares in the Company, 
and the lots so divided shall be numbered, and as many cor- 
respondent numbers being prepared, each member or a sub- 
stitute by him appointed (provided he make such appointment 
in twelve months after the Division shall be agreed on, and 
notice thereof conveyed to him, by the Treasurer for the time 
being, but if he fail to make such appointment then the ma- 
jority of the general meeting shall appoint a person to act for 
such absentee) shall draw from among such corresponding 
numbers, and whatever number is drawn by each shall take 
such lot of Land, the number of which agrees with the num- 
bers drawn. 



172 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 

II. "Reasons for establishing a British Colony at 
THE Illinois with some Proposals for carry- 
ing THE SAME INTO IMMEDIATE 

Execution."^ 

The Country of the Illinois on the Mississippi, is generally 
allowed to be the most fertile and pleasant Part of all the 
Western Territory now in the Possession of the English in 
North America. 

The French Canadians have long called it, The Terrestrial 
Paradice. 

It appears from the best Intelligence, that about Four Hun- 
dred French Families are now settled in that Country ; and 
that, in all Probability it would have been the most consider- 
able French Settlement in North America, had not the Inhabi- 
tants throughout Canada, and Louisiana, particularly those 
living among, or near Indians, been Subjected to Military 
Command, hable to be taken from their Farms even in the 
Time of Harvest, to go upon distant Expeditions, and to have 
the Product of their Labour seized for the Use of the Army. 

It has been the mistaken Policy of the French to aim at es- 
tablishing Military instead of Commercial, Colonies in North 
America. Their Views were to expel the English from all 
their Settlements on the Sea Coast, and thereby to engross the 
whole of the Continent. 

In this, however, they have, thro' Providence, been happily 
disappointed. 

But had the French contented themselves with settHng and 
improving the Country they actually possessed, they would 
have rivalled the English in their most valuable American 
Commodities, and have increased the Commerce of France, 
and consequently the French Power, to a very great Degree. 
For instance, 

^ In Sir William Johnson's letter of July lo, 1766, Board of Trade 
Papers (Hist. Soc. Pa.), Plantations General, vols. 27 and 28, 1765- 
1767; Franklin Papers (Am. Phil. Soc), LVIII, 4. 



DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 1 7 3 

The Lands in Louisiana produce Tobacco of a much superior 
Quality to any raised in either Maryland or Virginia, and Rice 
and Indigo equal to the best of Carolina. 

Those Articles, with Skins and Furs, are the principal Com- 
modities which North America has hitherto produced to any 
great Extent, for European Consumption. 

But were the Lands on the Mississippi well settled, we should 
be enabled to supply all Europe with those Commodities, and 
at a far cheaper Rate than they could be afforded from any 
other Country. 

But what is of the utmost Consequence to Great Britain, no 
Country in the known World is better adapted than this for the 
Raising Hemp, Flax and Silk. 

Of the Former, indeed, there are immense Quantities grow- 
ing Spontaneously on the large extensive Plains of Louisiana, 
And this wild sort appears from some late Experiments, to have 
a firmer Texture than that commonly cultivated. The Country 
likewise abounds with Mulberry Trees and both native and for- 
eign Silk Worms thrive extremely well there. 

Great Britain might also be furnished from thence with Cot- 
ton, Copper, Iron, Pot Ash, Wine, Salt petre, a great variety of 
valuable Medicinal Drugs and other Articles, which, with those 
mentioned before, make the great Ballance of Trade against 
the Nation, and drain it of its Treasure. 

From the Illinois we might likewise carry on a more exten- 
sive and advantageous Fur-Trade, with the numerous Indian 
Nations which reside near the Lakes and the different Branches 
of the Mississippi, than was ever known since the first Settle- 
ment of America; — Supplying them with British Manufactures to 
a vast Amount. 

Nor will the French be able to rival us in this Trade, as we 
can transport our Goods through Pennsylvania and Virginia to 
that Country much cheaper than can be done from New Orleans 
up the Mississippi. This is the only passage the French have 
now left, and being all the Way, against the Stream is extremely 
difficult and tedious. Whereas the English have now a ready 



1 74 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 

Communication from Virginia and Pennsylvania to Fort Pitt 
on the Ohio, and from thence have Water Carriage with the 
Stream to the Mississippi, and when they have disposed of their 
Goods to the Indians in that Country, they may easily trans- 
port the Commodities they receive in Return down the Missis- 
sippi to Mobile, and from thence ship them to England. 

For want of this Opening thro' the middle Province of North 
America to the Mississippi, the French never had it in their 
Power to reap so much advantage from that Country as the 
English now may. 

After several Disappointments, and much Expence and 
Trouble, the English have at length got possession of all the 
French posts on the East Side of the Missippi \sic~\ . 

A Question arises. What will be the most efficacious Means 
of supporting these Posts, so distant from every British Settle- 
ment, and yet so necessary to maintain the British Interest 
amongst the numerous Indians which inhabit that, and the ad- 
jacent Country ? 

It is answered. That there is no Way so effectual as to settle 
a Colony at the ///mots under a good civil Government. 

This Colony being in one of the finest Corn Countries in the 
World, would have it in its Power, not only to supply the dif- 
ferent Posts in the Indian Country, but the two F/oridas with 
provisions. Several of the French Writers term it the Granary 
of Louisiana, and mention that at a Time when there happened 
to be a Scarcity at New Orleans, the French Settlement at the 
Illinois, small as it then was. Sent them upwards of 800,000 
Weight of Flour. 

If we have not a Colony on the Spot, to support the Posts 
We are now possessed of in that Country', the French who 
have a Fort and an encreasing Settlement on the opposite 
Shore of the Mississippi, will have it in their Power, by means 
of their Influence with the Indians, to intercept our Supplies, 
interrupt our Trade, and ultimately cut off all Communication 
between the Illinois and the present English Colonies. 

It is said, that many of the French in Canada, and numbers 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 175 

of those settled on the East Side of the Mississippi, near our 
Posts, intend to remove to the Settlement belonging to the 
French on the opposite Shore. 

Should the French succeed in establishing a Colony there 
(which they probably will as it is in so fine a Country) and we 
have not another to Balance it, in that part of the World, the 
Consequences may be very Prejudicial to the British Interest. 

It may not be amiss to quote here the Sentiments of a late 
Writer very conversant with this Subject. In speaking of the 
Fineness of the Soil and climate of the Country on each Side 
the Mississippi, near the Illinois, he says "It is this that has 
made the French undergo so many long and perilous Voyages 
in North America, upwards of Two Thousand Miles, against 
Currents, Cataracts, and boisterous Winds on the Lakes, in 
order to get this Settlement of the Illinois; which is nigh to the 
Forks of the Mississippi, the most important place in all the 
inland Parts of North America, to which the French will sooner 
or later remove from Canada; and there erect another Mon- 
treal, that will be much more dangerous and prejudicial to us, 
than ever the other in Canada was. They will here be in the 
Midst of all their old Friends and Allies, and much more con- 
venient to carry on a Trade with them, to spirit them up 
against the English etc. than ever they were at Montreal. To 
this Settlement, where they likewise are not without good 
Hopes of finding Mines, the French will forever be removing, 
as long as any of them are left in Canada.'' 

The most likely Way to prevent these Mischiefs, and to en- 
able the English to dispossess the French of the remaining Part 
of Louisiana, should a future War make it expedient, will be, 
it is thought, to establish a Colony there, agreeable to the fol- 
lowing Proposals, Viz^ 

I . Let the Crown purchase of the Indians all their Rights to 
that Tract of Country lying on the East Side of the River Mis- 
sissippi, between the Illinois River and the River Ohio, and 
Fifty Miles back from the said River Mississippi. 



1 7 6 DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 

Remarks 

This Tract includes Fort Chartres, Cakoke, and Kaskasquias 
(three considerable French Settlements) and it is said from 
good Authority, that the Indians have expressed an Inclination 
to part with it to the English on very moderate Terms, and 
that they might easily be persuaded to sell all the Lands as far 
back as the Heads of the several small Rivers which empty 
themselves into the Mississippi between the Illinois and the 
Ohio. They having a greater Quantity of fine Hunting Country 
than they can ever have any use for. This would be a sufficient 
Tract to begin a Colony upon, and having a natural Boundary, 
would be most preferable. 

2. Let a Civil Government be estabHshed there, agreeable 
to the Principles of an EngUsh Constitution. 

3. Let the first Governor be a person experienced in the 
Management of Indian Affairs, and who has given Proofs of 
his Influence with the Savages. 

Remark 

This is a Matter of the utmost Consequence in the first Set- 
tlement of a Colony surrounded by Indians: And for want of a 
due Attention to it, many Undertakings of the like kind have 
either entirely failed, or been greatly impeded. 

4. Let all the Lands which may be granted within the first 
Twenty Years be laid out in Town Ships, after the Manner 
practiced in some of the New England Colonies, or according 
to the Plan laid down in the Historical Account of the Expedi- 
tion under Colonel Bouquet^, lately published (quod vide). 

Remark 

The Advantage of this Mode of Settling in a Country sur- 
rounded by Savages, who may One Day become Enemies, are 
too obvious to need mentioning. 

5. Let Grants of Land in this Country be offered to the Pro- 

^See p. 119. n. 45, and bibliography for account of pamphlet. 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 177 

vincial Officers and soldiers who served in the late War in 
America, in the following Terms, -Viz* 

100 Acres to every common Soldier. 

150 Acres to every Corporal and Serjeant. 

250 Acres to every Ensign. 

350 Acres to every Lieutenant. 

350 Acres to every Surgeon. 

350 Acres to every Chaplain. 

500 Acres to every Captain. 

750 Acres to every Major. 

1,000 Acres to every Lieut. CoUonel. 

1,200 Acres to every Collonel. 

The Soldiers, Corporals and Serjeants who have served more 
Campaigns than one to have Ten Acres besides for each Cam- 
paign after the first. The Ensigns, Lieutenants, Surgeons, 
Chaplains and Captains Thirty, and the Majors, Lieut. Colo- 
nels, Fifty Acres, in like manner Each General Officer (of 
which there were two or Three) to have a Grant of 5,000 Acres. 
The whole to be granted in Fee, and to be exempt from Quit 
Rent for a certain Term of Years, or for, and during the natural 
Lives of the said Officers and Soldiers; and then to be liable to 
the same only as is reserved in Virginia. No Grant to be made 
to any Officer or Soldier under Fifty Years of Age, who does 
not appear in person at the Illinois (with a Certificate from the 
Government, or Commander in Chief of the Province in whose 
Employ he was, specifying his Station, and the Number of 
Campaigns he was in the Service) and actually make a Settle- 
ment on the Lands for which he shall receive a Warrant of 
Survey. — But such Officers and Soldiers as are fifty Years of 
Age and upwards, and who may not incline, or be able to re- 
move to the Illinois, should be allowed either to dispose of their 
Rights to Grants of Lands to such Persons as will settle them, 
or place Tenants thereon, as may be most convenient to them- 
selves. Provided; That every Officer and Soldier who does 
not make, or cause to be made a Settlement and Improvement 
on the Lands he may be entituled to, within Six Years after the 



1 7 8 DOCUMENTAR Y APPENDIX 

Arrival of an English Governor at the Illinois in order to estab- 
lish a Colony there, shall forfeit all Right and Title Thereto. 
Provided also that every Officer of the Rank of a Captain, and 
upwards shall at his own proper Cost and Expence settle upon 
his Grant at least One white Protestant Person for every Hun- 
dred Acres thereof within Six Years following the Date of his 
said Grant — Subject to the Forfeiture of such Proportion of the 
said Grant, as there shall be a Deficiency of that Number of 
Settlers. — It would be proper for the Crown to furnish the Sol- 
diery with a few Implements of Husbandry at their first Arrival at 
the Illinois, and to allow all Settlers the Use of the King's Boats 
at Fort Pitt, and other Assistance, to transport themselves as 
far as the Mississippi. 

Remark 

The giving Encouragement to these Men, who are Soldiers 
as well as Farmers, etc^ to engage themselves in the first Set- 
tlement of this Country, will be not only, Right in point of 
Policy, but be an Act of Justice. The Provincial Officers and 
Soldiers who have served in the several Campaigns durmg the 
War in America, and who have undergone equal Fatigues, and 
run equal Hazards with the King's Troops, think it extremely 
hard, that they should not be allowed, as well as the disbanded 
Regulars, a Grant of some of the Lands in that immense Tract 
of Country, which they have assisted in obtaining from the 
Enemy, especially as they had not equal Advantages when in 
Service; The Officers not being entituled to half Pay, nor the 
Men to Chelsea Hospital. They were generally paid off and 
discharged, as soon as the Campaign was over. The giving 
these persons Lands in Proportion to their Rank, and the 
Number of Campaigns they have served will be likewise a great 
Encouragement to the Colonists to enter into the Military Ser- 
vice on any future Occasion. And, besides, it is said, that at 
the Beginning of the late War, the Americans were promised, 
or given to understand, that such of them as engaged in the 
Provincial Service, should, when the War was at an End, have 
some such Gratification in Land as is here proposed. 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 1 79 

6. Let all Mines and Minerals belong to the Owners of the 
Land in which they may be found, except those denominated 
Royal Mines, and of these let the Crown reserve a Fifth, clear 
of all Charges. 

Remark 

This will encourage People to be at the Trouble and Expence 
of searching for and working of Mines, but if the whole or too 
great a Part is reserved to the Crown, they will want the neces- 
sary Inducement to make Discoveries, whereby both the Crown 
and Nation may be prevented from receiving many Advantages. 

7. Let there be 500 Acres reserved in every Township for the 
maintenance of a Clergyman of the Established Church of 
England. 

Remark 

As it is the Interest of every Nation, that the Religion, it has 
thought proper to estabhsh, should be the Religion most gener- 
ally prevalent throughout its Dominions, this Matter ought to 
be particularly attended to in America, and the Church be well 
supported there, otherwise Presbyterianism will become the 
Established Religion in that Country. It is much to be regret- 
ted, that the Crown did not reserve in each of the Colonies, 
Lands for this purpose, at the Time of granting their respective 
Charters. It is however not yet too late for the Crown to cause 
such Reservations to be made in many of the old settled Colo- 
nies, particularly Nova-Scotia, New York, Virginia, North 
and South Carolina and Georgia. Care should likewise be 
taken, in Time, to make the like Provision in our new Ac- 
quisitions, Canada, and the Two Floridas. 

8. Let the Bounds of the Colony be as follows, Viz. From 
the Mouth of the Ouisconsin (or Wisconsing) River down the 
Mississippi agreeable to Treaty, to the Forks, or Mouth of the 
Ohio. Then up the same River Ohio to the River Wabash, 
thence up the same River Wabash to the Portage at the Head 
thereof, Then up the said Portage to the River Miamis and 



1 80 DOCUMENTAR V APPENDIX 

down the said River Miamis to Lake Erie. Thence along the 
several Courses of the said Lake to Riviere al Ours (or Bear 
River) and up the said River to the Head thereof, and from 
thence in a straight Line, or by the Portage of St. Joseph's 
River and down the same River to Lake Michigan, then along 
the several Courses of the said Lake on the South and West 
Side thereof to the point of Bay Puans, and along the several 
Courses on the East Side of the said Bay to the Mouth of Foxes 
River, thence up to the Head thereof and from thence by a 
Portage to the Head of Ouisconsin River, and down the same 
to the Place of Beginning. 

Remark 

These being natural Boundaries may be easily ascertained. 
Altho' no Person should be allowed to settle on any Lands, but 
what are within the Bounds purchased by the Crown of the In- 
dians, yet it will be highly proper, that the Civil Jurisdiction of 
the Colony should extend much farther than will be probably 
purchased for many years to come; otherwise loose, evil dis- 
posed Persons may straggle into those Parts, and commit Dis- 
orders that may involve the Colony in Disputes with the Indians, 
and be attended with fatal Consequences. And it might have 
good Effects if a Civil Authority was likewise established at 
D'Etroit, to take Cognizance of all Misdemeanors committed 
by British Subjects upon the Lakes and Country adjacent. 

9. But that a Colony may be speedily settled at the Illinois, 
and the Crown and Nation receive the Advantages to be de- 
rived from it, without Delay, A Company of Gentlemen of 
Character and Fortune are ready and willing to engage. That 
if the Crown will make them a Grant, in Fee of [ ] Hundred 
Thousand Acres of Land free of Quit Rent for [ ] Years to 
be located in one or more Places as they shall chuse, within 
the Bounds above mentioned, They will at their own proper 
Cost and Expence, Settle thereon at least One white Protestant 
Person for every Hundred Acres within [ ] Years next fol- 
lowing the Date of their Grant; Subject to the Forfeiture of such 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX i8i 

Proportion of the unsettled part of the said Grant as shall be 
equal to a Deficiency of that number of Settlers — And the said 
Company will likewise engage to settle at least 2,000 of the said 
Persons on the Lands aforesaid within [ ] Years next after 
the Date of the said Grant, or the Arrival of a Governor in the 
said Colony: unless an Indian War should happen to put it out 
of their Power. 

The Crown need not be put to much Expence to procure the 
Settlement of this advantageous Colony. The Principal Charges 
will be a Salary to the Governor, and some other Officers of 
Government for a few Years, when the Colonists will be en- 
abled to support their own Civil Establishment. 

And if there were two or three Companies of light Infantry, 
and of light Horse were raised and disciplined in the manner, 
and on the Terms, recommended by Coll. Bouquet in the 
Publication before mentioned, They would not only be an effec- 
tual Security for the Colony in its Infancy, but also contribute 
greatly to the Protection of the Frontiers of the Old settled Col- 
onies from the Incursions of the Indians, and they would like- 
wise be of infinite Service in case of a future War with the 
French. This Corps might be raised and disciplined within a 
Year, or two at farthest, when the Regiment now posted there 
might be employed upon other Service more suitable to such 
Troops, unless indeed it should be thought necessary to keep a 
few of them to do Garrison Duty for some Time longer. The 
Officers who served during the War in America in the Corps 
of light Infantry and Rangers would be the most proper to raise 
and discipline the Foot Companies; but for the light Horse it will 
be necessary that Officers should be sent from England, who 
have been accustomed to that Service. Horses of a good Sort 
are to be had in great plenty at the Illinois, If a Company, or 
two of this kind of Soldiery were also kept at each of our prin- 
cipal Posts in the Indian Country, it would be the most likely 
Means of deterring the Indians from going to War with us in 
future. 



i82 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 

3. Lord Hillsborough to General Gage. ' 
Most Secret. 

Whitehall, Jan. 2d, 1771. 

Nothing has happened since my last Letter to You to streng- 
then our hopes that the PubHc Peace might be preserved; on 
the contrary, there is but too much reason to apprehend that 
the matter in Negotiation with the Court of Spain will have its 
Issue in a speedy war, the Success of which will depend upon 
the most vigorous Exertions of every Strength this Kingdom is 
able to put forth. 

In this situation it has become necessary to give full Scope 
to the Consideration not only of those measures which it may 
be proper to pursue for the Defence and Security of His Ma- 
jesty's Possessions, but also in what places the Enemy may be 
annoyed and attacked with the greatest Advantage and best 
hope of Success, and also what Steps may be advisable, pre- 
paratory to any Enterprize that may be undertaken. 

The Result of this Deliberation, so far as it regards offensive 
Operations in America, has been the adopting a Proposition to 
begin those operations by an attack upon New Orleans. 

The Advantage that would attend the entire Possession of 
the Mississippi, both in point of Commerce and of Security to 
the rest of the King's Possessions in North America, have been 
fully expiated upon and explained in the Course of Our Cor- 
respondence and those Advantages combined with the general 
Intelligence of the small Number of Troops left in Louisiana 
by General O'Reilly, the Indisposition or rather aversion of the 
French Inhabitants to the Spanish Government, the great Ex- 
tent and Weakness of the Defenses of the town of New Orleans, 
and the supposed Practicability of approaching it either on the 
side of West Florida or By the Rivers Ohio and Mississippi, 
have been the grounds on which this Proposition has been 
adopted. The Practicability, however, of such an undertaking, 

' P. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. 



DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 183 

as well as the Quantum of Force to be employed, and the 
manner in which the attack is to be made, must entirely de- 
pend upon your own Judgement, forming that Judgement on a 
variety of Facts and Circumstances that cannot be known here; 
and therefore it is the King's Pleasure that you do give the ful- 
lest Consideration to this Proposition, and if you see no reason- 
able Objections to it that you do take such preparatory Steps 
as shall be necessary for carrying it into immediate Execution, 
so soon as you shall receive the King' s Orders to commence 
Hostilities, in Case His Majesty should be driven to that ne- 
cessity; — An Event that will probably be decided upon in a 
few days. 

It is the King's present intention, from the reliance His 
Majesty has upon your Ability and Zeal for the Honor of His 
Arms, that you should command upon this Expedition in Person: 
and as the Assistance of a Naval Force may be necessary on 
the side of the Gulph of Mexico to prevent any Succours being 
thrown in, either before or after the Operations are commenced, 
the Commander-in-Chief of the Squadron at Jamacia will be 
ordered to co-operate with you in this important Service, and 
to afford ever)^ aid the nature of his command will admit of. 

The King's Servants having submitted to His Majesty their 
Opinion, that, as well for carrying into Execution the proposed 
Attack upon New Orleans, as for answering any other purposes 
which Government may have in view in the Prosecution of a 
War, it may be advisable that a large body of Troops should 
be collected together in one convenient Spot; I am therefor© 
commanded to recommend this Measure for your Considera- 
tion; but at the same time I must not omit to mention to you 
that the force in the Province of Quebec should not be dimin- 
ished, nor any reduction made of that in Newfoundland oriH 
West Florida, nor that the Posts upon the Lakes should b« 
left in a State of Insecurity. 



i84 DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 

4. General Gage to Lord Hillsborough. ^ 

New York, April 2d, 1771. 

Your Lordship's Most Secret of the 2d of January has been 
received. 

From all accounts that have been received hitherto, of the 
State and Condition of Louisiana, an Attack upon that Province 
is very practicable, and of the different means of approaching 
New Orleans the River Mississippi is judged the most advan- 
tageous; the' feigned attacks might at the same time be of ser- 
vice, on the side of the Ohio, and West Florida. 

Your Lordships Letter was not received till the 25th ult. the 
Packet having been about ten weeks from Falmouth, a Passage 
unfortunately long at this Juncture; but the greatest Diligence 
will be used to assemble a Body of Troops. And in due Con- 
sideration of every circumstance requisite in the fitting out an 
Expedition, I know no place in North America so proper as the 
Port of New York. I therefore propose, till camp Equipage is 
provided, or that the weather permits to encamp the Troops, 
to post them as near to New York as I shall be able. 

Orders have been transmitted for the 64th and 65th Regi- 
ments to embark at Halifax for Boston; from whence they will 
March into some of the Colonys the most contiguous to this, 
till further Orders; . 

ip. R. O., Am. and W. I., vol. 127. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 



In the descriptive notes which follow comment has been confined to 
the value of the sources and other works for the special field of the essay. 

GUIDES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 

Alvord, C. W., *' Eighteenth Century French Records in the Archives 
of Illinois ", printed in Annual Report of Ihe American Historical As- 
sociation for 1905, vol. I. Washington, 1906. — Valuable. 

Alvord, C. W., Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, printed as Bulle- 
tin of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. I, no. i. Springfield, 
111., 1905. — This is a report on the documents in the St. Clair County 
Court House at Belleville, 111. — A_n illuminating study. 

Andrews, Charles M., " Materials in British Archives for American 
Colonial History", printed in American Historical Review, vol. X, 
pp. 325-349. 

Andrews, Charles M., and Frances G. Davenport, Guide to the 
Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to 1783, in 
the British Musewn, in Minor London Archives^ and in the Libraries 
of Oxford and Cambridge. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Pub- 
lication No. 90. Washington, 1908. — A work of first importance 
which appeared too late for use in the present investigation. 

Canadian Archive Reports. — This well-known series is especially 
valuable on account of the extended inventories and calendars it con- 
tains of documents in English and French archives. Because of the 
careless editing of the earlier volumes they must be used with caution. 
Of most value for this study have been the volumes for 1884- 1889, 
containing lists of the Bouquet and Haldimand papers, and for 1905, 
I, containing abstracts of documents in the Ministry of Colonies in 
Paris. 

Channing, Edward, and Albert Bushnell Hart, Guide to the Study 
of American History. Boston, 1896. 

Day, R. E., comp.. Calendar of the Sir William Johnson Manu- 
scripts in the New York State Library. Albany, 1909. — Valuable. 

185 



1 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hays, I. Minis, comp., Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Pranklin 
in the Library of the American Philosophical Society^ 5 vols. Phila- 
delphia, 1908. 

Larned, J. N., ed.. The Literature of American History : a Bibli- 
ography, published for the American Library Association. Boston, 
1902. 

Lincoln, Charles H. , Calendar of Johnson MSS. in the American 
Antiquarian Society Library. Worcester, Mass., 1906. 

New York Public Library, Manuscript Collections in the New York 
Public Library {^Deposited in the Lenox Building), printed in the 
Bulletin of the New York Public Library for July, 1901. — A valuable 
descriptive list. Of much service in consulting the Bancroft Collection. 

New York State Library, Calendar of Council Minutes^ i668-jy8j, 
printed as Bulletin 58, History 6, March, 1902. 

Reports of the Royal Historical Manuscripts Commission. — Es- 
pecially the Fifth Report, Appendix I, on the Shelburne papers, and 
the Fourteenth Report, Appendix X, on the Dartmouth papers. 

Sabin, Joseph, A Dictionary of Books relating to America, 19 vols. 
New York, 1868- 1892. 

Thwaites, Reuben G. , ed., Descriptive List of Manuscript Collec- 
tions of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Together with Re- 
ports on Other Collections of Manuscript Material for A?nerican His- 
tory in Adjacent States. Madison, 1906. 

Thwaites, Reuben G., Benjamin F. Shambaugh, and Franklin L. 
Riley, " Report of Committee on Methods of Organization and Work 
on the Part of the State and Local Historical Societies", printed in 
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1905, vol. \. 
— Contains notes on the collections of source material in the libraries of 
the various historical societies. 

Van Tyne, C. H., and W. G. Leland, Guide to the Archives of the 
Government of the United States in Washington, second edition, Car- 
negie Institution of Washington, Publication No. 92. Washington, 
1907. 

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 vols. 
Boston, 1889. — Of great value for accounts of sources, especially those 
in vol. V. 

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES. 

Public Record Office, London. — A large part of the present essay has 
been based upon documents found in the Colonial Office records, under 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 187 

the title of " Military Correspondence, Series America and West 
Indies." The greater portion of the correspondence between the 
ministry and the British agents in America having charge of the West 
is found in this collection. It cannot be said, however, that the orig- 
inal document is always to be found here; very often a copy or a mere 
extract is all we have. In the Colonial Office records are also found 
the "Board of Trade Papers", which contain a few valuable letters. 
The Home Office records and the War Office records likewise contain 
a few documents of importance. In a miscellaneous collection of the 
Earl of Chatham's papers, on deposit in the Public Record Office, is a 
bundle of papers having an important bearing on the West. The refer- 
ences m the foot-notes are to the old classification. The re-classifica- 
tion of the Public Record Office was commenced in 1908, and is not 
yet (1910) complete. The Guide to the Manuscript Materials for the 
History of the United States to 1783 in the Public Record Office, which 
is being prepared by Professor C. M. Andrews for the Carnegie Insti- 
tution of Washington, will contain a key enabling references to the 
former classification to be found in the new classification. 

British Museum, London. — The Bouquet Papers, in 17 volumes 
(Add. MSS., 21,631-21,600), and the Haldimand Papers, in 4231 
volumes (Add. MSS., 21,661-21,692), are the important sources in 
this depository. The Bouquet Papers contain a few documents relat- 
ing to the early histor)' of the period, with especial reference to early 
Indian troubles. The Haldimand Papers are indispensable for the 
latter half of the period. The collection is composed of letters which 
passed between Haldimand and the home officials, his correspondence 
with Gage and the officers in the West, besides many other letters 
which came into his possession. The correspondence throws consider- 
able light upon the political status of the Illinois French. Transcripts 
of the Bouquet and Haldimand collections are in the Canadian Archives 
at Ottawa, and have been calendared by Douglas Brymner in the Re- 
ports on Canadian Archives, for 1 884-1889. 

Privy Council Office, London. — This collection contains a few im- 
portant documents bearing on western colonization. 

Lansdowne House Manuscripts, London. — The papers of the Earl 
of Shelburne, found here, are of great value in the study of western 
trade conditions. 

New York State Library, Albany. — Here are found 26 volumes of 
Sir WiUiam Johnson's papers, a very valuable collection, dealing 
largely with Indian affairs, which came under Johnson's supervision. 



1 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

There are also important documents relating to western trade and 
colonization. 

Lenox Library, New York City. — This contains the manuscript col- 
lection of George Bancroft, which includes a large number of tran- 
scripts from the "America and West Indies" series in the Public 
Record Office. His copies are generally accurate : capitalization and 
punctuation, however, cannot always be depended upon. There are 
also in this collection transcripts from the Earl of Shelburne's papers 
from the Lansdowne House manuscripts. In the selections made to 
illustrate western history, however, Bancroft evidently omitted some of 
the more important papers. 

Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. — 
Considerable use was made of a number of volumes of transcripts of 
the Board of Trade papers, Plantations General, of which the library 
contains i8o volumes. A comparison of a few papers with the orig- 
inals in the Public Record Office indicates that the transcripts were 
accurately made. There are also a number of minor collections of 
original manuscripts which are indispensable to students of western 
history. Among these are the Gratz-Croghan Papers, vol. I, the Ohio 
Company Papers, vols. I and II, and the Etting Papers, vol. III. 
These collections deal largely with western trade conditions and land 
speculation. There are also a number of miscellaneous manuscripts, 
e. g.f the original " Journal " written by Captain Harry Gordon on his 
trip down the Ohio River in 1766, and a diary kept by John Jennings 
in Illinois during the years 1 766-1 768. 

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. — Here are many 
valuable letters to Benjamin Franklin on the West, which are not 
found elsewhere. 

Pennsylvania State Library, Harrisburg, Pa. — In the Division of 
Public Records are most of the account books of the firm of Baynton, 
Wharton and Morgan, and an important collection of George Morgan's 
papers. 

Library of Congress. — One volume of the correspondence of Secre- 
tary Henry S. Conway, which yielded a few scattering letters on 
western trade conditions and Indian affairs. 

Library of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. — 
Here were found a few original letters of Sir William Johnson having 
an important bearing on western colonization. 

Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. — Use was 
made of the Francis Parkman Collection of transcripts, which relate to 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 189 

the early part of the period. Lack of proper references to the location 
of the originals, as well as evidence that the copies were not always 
made with absolute accuracy, render the use of this collection rather 
difficult. 

Harvard College Library. — The chief sources found here were a vol- 
ume of General Gage's letters, which shed considerable light on Indian 
affairs in the West, and the Sparks Collection of transcripts from the 
Public Record Office and the British Museum. Little use was made of 
the Sparks Collection, however, the originals being consulted in prefer- 
ence, although in a few cases where the latter could not be found the 
transcripts had to be relied upon. 

Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Canada. — Transcripts of the Bouquet 
and Haldimand Papers are to be found here, as well as of a large num- 
ber of Colonial Office records. 

Kaskaskia Records, British Period. — These papers contain a few 
important sources bearing on the political events in Illinois. The most 
important document is the court record, which consists of 256 pages. 
The collection is at present in the library of the University of Illinois, 
but belongs to the county of St. Clair, Illinois. 

Cahokia Records, Court House, Belleville, 111. — This collection con- 
tains a few papers throwing light on the local government in Illinois 
during the British period. 

Miscellaneous. — Among the documents belonging to private indi- 
viduals the most important is the letter-book kept by Colonel George 
Morgan, 1 766-1 768, which is in the possession of Mr. A. S. M. 
Morgan, of Pittsburg. There are also important Morgan letters in the 
possession of Mrs. Maria P. Woodbridge, of Marietta, Ohio, Mrs. E. 
S. Thacher, of Nordhoff, Cal., Mrs. H. C. More, of Gaviota, Cal., and 
Mrs. T. C. Smith, of Santa Barbara, Cal. 

PRINTED SOURCES. 

American State Papers^ Public Lands, vols. I-III. Washington, 
1832. — Necessary for study of western land schemes. 

Canadian Constitutional Development shown by Selected Speeches and 
Despatches, edited by H. E. Egerton and W. L. Grant. London, 1907. 
— Important contribution. 

Chalmers, George, A Collection of Treaties between Great Britain 
and other Powers. London, 1 790. 

Chicago Historical Society Collections, vol. IV. Chicago, 1890. — 
Important miscellaneous documents, the originals of which cannot be 
traced. 



I90 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Documents illustrative of the Canadian Constitution,^ edited by 
William Houston. Toronto, 1891. 

Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New 
York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 15 vols. Albany, 1856.— Im- 
portant for study of Indian affairs and western colonization. Volumes 
entitled '* Paris Documents " must be used with care. 

Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, ^757- 
i7gr, selected and edited by Adam Shortt and Arthur G. Doughty. 
Ottawa, 1907. — Indispensable to the student of the proclamation of 
1763 and the Quebec Act. 

•* Documents relating to the Occupation of the Illinois Country by 
the British Army ", edited by Clarence E. Carter. Printed in Trans- 
actions of the Illinois State Historical Society for 1907. Springfield, 
1908. 

Franklin, Benjamin, Complete Works, edited by John Bigelow, 10 
vols. New York, 1887-1889. — Necessary for study of western coloni- 
zation. 

Franklin, Benjamin, Life and Writings, edited by A. H. Smythe, 
10 vols. New York, 1905-1907. — Contains some documents on the 
West not printed in the Bigelow edition. 

Franklin, Benjamin, Works, edited by Jared Sparks, 10 vols. 
Boston, 1837-1844. 

Grenville Papers, being the correspondence of Richard and George 
Grenville, their friends and contemporaries, edited with notes by 
William James Smith, 4 vols. London, 1852. 

Illinois Historical Collections, vol. I. Springfield, 1903. — Docu- 
ments chosen arbitrarily. Not complete. 

Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vols. 19, 20. Lansing, 
1891, 1892. — Contain selections from the Haldimand Papers. Arrange- 
ment and editing poor. Uncritical copies taken from uncritical copies. 

New York Historical Society Collections, ^ \o\%. New York, 181 1- 
1859; Publication Fund series, 18 vols. New York, 1868-1881. — 
Important for study of western colonies. 

Parliamentary History of England, from the Earliest Period to the 
Year i8ij, edited by T. C. Hansard, vol. XVII. London, 1813. — 
Very useful. 

Report on Canadian Archives, 1904, edited by Arthur Doughty, 
Ottawa. — Contains important documents. See also above under 
Guides and Bibliographies. 

Rockingham., Memoirs of the Marquis of, and his contem-poraries ; 
with original docum-ents, 2 vols. London, 1852. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



191 



Stiles, Henry R., Affairs at Fort Chartres, jy68-iy8i. Albany, 
1864. — Includes a few important letters. The same are also found in 
the Historical Magazine, vol. VIII, no. 8. 

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed., The yesuit Relations and Allied Docu- 
ments, vols. LXX and LXXI. Cleveland, 1900-1901. — Contain a few 
documents of importance for present study. Notes not all trustworthy. 

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed. , Early Western Travels, 1^48-1846, 
vols. I and XXVII. Cleveland, 1904 and 1906. — Croghan's " Journals" 
and Flagg's "The Far West" are the most important documents. 
Notes to be used with care. 

Washington, George, Writings, edited by W. C. Ford, 14 vols. 
New York and London, 1 889-1 893. 

Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. XVIII. Madison, 1908. — 
This volume contains documents of considerable value for the British 
period. 

CONTEMPORARY BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS. 

Account of the Proceedings of the Illinois and Ouabache Land Com- 
panies. Philadelphia, 1796. — Invaluable. 

Adair, James, The History of the American Indians ; Particularly 
those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi.. East and West Florida, 
Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia. London, 1775. 
— Valuable for contemporary criticism of western policy of Great Britain. 

Annual Register, or a View of the History, Politics, and Literature 
for the Year 1^63, also for 1774. London, 1776. — Supposed to have 
been written by Edmund Burke. Important source. 

Blackstone, William, Commentaries on the Laws of England {QooXty 
edition). Chicago, 1899. 

Bossu, M., Travels throughout that Part of N'orth America called 
Louisiana. Translated from the French by J. R. Forster. London, 
1 77 1. — Excellent view of the French in the Mississippi Valley prior to 

1763. 

Considerations on the Agreement of the lords Commissioners of His 
Maiesty^s Treasury, with the Honourable Thomas Walpole and the 
Associates for lands upon the River Ohio in North America, in a 
Letter to a Member of Parliament. London, 1 774. — Supposed by W. C. 
Ford (Bibliography of Franklin), to have been written by Franklin. 
Contains important statements on western colonization. 

Expediency of securing our American Colonies by Settling the 
Country adjoining the River Mississippi, Considered. Edinburgh, 1 763. 
— Of great importance. 



192 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians 1764. 
— Attributed by Charles Whittelsey to Thomas Hutchins, and by Jus- 
tin Winsor to Dr. William Smith of Philadelphia. In the Library of 
Congress is a letter by Smith asserting his own authorship of the book. 
The work is now available in the Ohio Valley Historical Series. 

Hunt, William, The Justice and Policy of the late Act of Parliament 
for making more Effectual Provision for the Government of the Prov- 
ince of Quebec, Asserted and Proved. London, 1774. — Invaluable for 
view on the legal position of the West, 

Hutchins, Thomas, A Topographical Description of Virginia, Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina. Reprinted from the orig- 
inal edition of 1778. Edited by F. C. Hicks. Cleveland, 1904. — An 
excellent account of conditions in British Illinois. 

Invitation Serieuse des Habitants des Illinois, by " Un Habitant des 
Kaskaskias." Philadelphia, 1772, Reprinted by Club for Colonial 
Reprints, vol. IV, with introduction and notes by C. W. Alvord and 
C. E. Carter. Providence, 1908. 

Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment and Sufferings of 
John Connolly, an American loyalist. London, 1783. Reprinted 
by C. L. Woodward. New York, 1889. 

Pittman, Philip, The Present State of the European Settlements on 
the Mississippi. London, 1770. — Written by an English officer who 
did not thoroughly understand conditions in Illinois either in the 
French or British periods. Has been trusted too much. Most avail- 
able in edition of F. H. Hodder. Cleveland, 1906. 

Plain Facts. Philadelphia, 1787. — According to Sabin, this pamph- 
let was written by Benjamin Franklin or A. Benezet. According to 
W. C. Ford, it was written by neither of these, but by Samuel Whar- 
ton. Many later writers have copied from this work. 

Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British Empire; 
Particularly respecting : (/) Natural Advantages and Disadvantages. 
(I/) Constitutions. (Ill) Agriculture. (IV) Manufactures. ( V) 
Colonies, and (VI) Commerce. London, 1772. — Attributed by Sabin 
to Dr. John Campbell. This is probably a wrong inference. Contains 
a contemporary criticism of the western policy of Great Britain. 

Pownall, Thomas, The Administration of the Colonies. London, 
1768. — Valuable for view of an English official relative to the merits of 
the French and English claims in the West prior to 1763 and to the 
relations of the two nations with the Indians. 

Pownall, Thomas, A Topographical Description of the English Col- 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



193 



cnies. London, 1776. — Contains the earliest printed copy of Gordon's 
Journal down the Ohio in 1766. 

Pratz, Le Page du, Hisloii e de la Louisiane, 3 vols. Paris, 1758. — 
Good treatment of French conditions in Illinois prior to 1763 by a 
French traveler. 

Vulney, C. F., View of the Climate and Soil of the United States. 
Translated from the French. London, 1814. — Excellent account of the 
character of the French in the Mississippi Valley towards the close of 
the eighteenth century. 

CONTEMPORARir NEWSPAPERS. 

There is in general little to be found in the newspapers relating to 
the West during the British period. Some stray bits of information, 
however, are gleaned from the following newspapers, found in the 
libraries of the Pennsylvania Historical Society and the American 
Antiquarian Society : 

Petinsylvania Chronicle and Universal Advertiser ^ 3 vols. 1768- 

1774. 

Pennsylvania Gazette, 34 vols. Philadelphia, 1728-1789. 

Pennsylvania journal, 13 vols. Philadelphia, 1751-1788. 

Pennsylvania Packet and General Advertiser, 9 vols. Philadelphia, 
1772-1784. 

GENERAL HISTORIES AND BIOGRAPHIES. 

Bancroft, George, History of the United States from the Discovery 
of the American Continent, 10 vols. Boston, 1834-1874. — For this 
essay, the early edition, containing references to sources, was used. 
The portions of the author's last revision vshich relate to the West, 
differ in no particular from those of the Crst edition. Bancroft had 
access to more material than any other writer, but his interpretations 
cannot be depended upon. Serious errors which have found their way 
into most of the western histories are traceable directly to this work. 

Draper, L. C, " Life of Boone ", 5 vols. MS. in Draper Collection, 
State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund, life of William, Earl of Shelburne, 3 
vols. London, 1875. — Necessary for understanding of Shelburne's 
position in England. Perspective very poor. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 'Ike Life of Benjamin Franklin, written by 
himself Edited by John Bigelow, 3 vols. Philadelphia, 1899. — Con- 
tains one valuable document. Oiherwise of litile use for present study. 



194 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Howard, George E., An Tntroduction to the Local Constitutional 
History of the United States. J. H. U. Studies. Ealt more, 1889. — 
No understanding of local institutions in British Illinois. 

Hunt, William, and Reginald L. Poole, ed.. Political History of 
England, 12 vols. New York, 1906. — Vol. X is of use on account of 
tables giving ministerial changes. 

Kingsford, William, History of Canada, ic vols. Toronto, 1887- 
1890. — In general a very sane piece of work, although the author is 
prejudiced against the French. 

Parkman, Francis, Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after 
the Conquest of Canada. New library edition, 2 vols. Boston, 1903. — 
Invaluable but lacks sympathy for the French. 

Parkman, Francis, La Salle and the Discovery of ihe Great West. 
Boston, 1903. 

Parkman, Francis, Montcalm and Wolfe, 2 vols. Boston, 1903. 

Perkins, James "B., Prance under L.cuis XV, 2 vols. Boston, 1897. 

Sabine, Lorenzo, Loyalists of the American devolution, 2 vols. 
Boston, 1864. 

Shea, John Gilmary, Life of the Most Rev. John Carroll, embracing 
the History of the Catholic Church in the United Sfates. lydj-iSy^. 
New York, 18S8. — Sound, but carelessly constructed. Practically the 
only trustworthy account of the Catholic Church in the West. 

Sparks, Jared, Life of Charles Lee. In Library of American Biog- 
raphy, vol. XVIII. Boston, 1846. 

Stone, Will'.am L., 7 he Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 
2 vols. Albany, 1865. — Disappointing wiih respect to the West in 
which Johnson was greatly interested. Ihe author had a large amount 
of material, but failed to master it. 

Winsor, Justin, ed , Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 
vols. Boston and New York, 1889. — Chapter on "The West" by 
Poole in vol. VI covers the British period, but is practically worthless 
so far as interpretation is concerned. The editorial notes are, how- 
ever, very valuable. Ihe chapter on "The Mississippi Valley" m vol. 
V, by A. McF. Davis, covering the period prior to 1763, is of more 
value. The bibliographical notes scattered throughout the volumes are 
indispensable. 

SPECIAL AND SECTIONAL TREATISES. 

Adams, Herbert B., Maryland'' s Influence upon the Land Cessions 
to the United States. J. H. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1885. — An un- 
critical study. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



195 



Aider), George H., Nfw Governments West of the Alleghany Moun- 
tains before 1780. Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, II, Madison, 
1899. — Good. He has confined himself almost entirely to printed 
sources, but has used them carefully. Interpretations sound. 

Alvord, Clarence VV., "Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763", in 
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. 37. Lansing, 1908. 
—Completely refutes old views of the proclamation. Indispensable to 
students of western history. 

Alvord, Clarence W., " Introduction " to Illinois Historical Collec- 
tions, vol. n. Springfield, 1 907.— Contains excellent resume of con- 
ditions in British Illinois. Based on original sources. 

Alvord, Clarence W , "The British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort 
Stanwix", in Proceedings of Wisconsin Stale Historical Society. 
Madison, 1909.— Excellent for analysis of British ministry. Authorita- 
tive. 

Annals of the West. Embracing a Concise Account of the Principal 
Events which have occnrred in the Western States and Territories 
jrom the Discovery of the Mississippi Valley to the Year iS^o. Edited 
by James H. Perkins, Cincinnati, 1846. Revised by John M. Peck, 
St. Louis, T850, also by James R. Albach. Pi.tsburg, 1858.— Anti- 
quated. Must be us^d with great care. 

Babeau, H , Les Assemblces Generales des Communauth d' Habitants 
en t ranee. Paris, 1893. 

Babeau, H., Le \ illage sous PAncien Regime, Paris, 1879. — Neces- 
sary for an understanding of the French village community life. 

Beer, George L., British Colonial Policy, 1754-1763.— kr\ excellent, 
critical study of the col >nial problems of Great Britain. He does not 
seem to appreciate fully, however, the magnitude of the western prob- 
lem. 

Benton, I'lbert J., The Wabash Trade Route in the Development 
of the Old Aorthwest. J. H. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1903.— Confined 
altogether to printed sources, which have not been used critically. 
Has failed to grasp the larger aspects of the western trade. 

Chalmers, George, Opinions of hminent Lawyers on Various Points 
cf English Jurisprudence. London, 1858. — Valuable for gaining 
pcint of view of certain English officials. 

Coffin, Victor, The Province of Quebec and the Early American 
Revolution: A Study m Engliih- American Colonial History. Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin Bulletin, vol. I, no. 3. Madison, 1896.— Based on 
manuscript as well as printed sources. Useful for discussion of western 



196 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

land policy of Great Britain. Some of the conclusions reached, how- 
ever, need revision. 

DeHass, Willis, History of the Earlv Settlement and Indian Wan 
of Western Virginia. Wheeling, 185 1. — Of some use in study of 
western colonization. 

Douglas, W. B., •• Jean Gabriel Cerre, a Sketch ", in Transactions 
of the Illinois State Historical Society for 1903. Springfield, 1904, 

Dunn, J. P., " Father Gibault ", in Transactions of the Illinois State 
Historical Society for 1905. Springfield, 1906. — Neither of the last- 
named articles contribute anything new. 

Farrand, Max, "The Indian Boundary Line", in American His-- 
lorical RcnetUy vol. X, pp. 782-791. — Has missed many important 
sources. Will have to be rewritten. 

Fernow, Berthold, 1 he Ohio Valley in Colonial Days. Albany^ 
1890. — No contribution. 

Franz, Alexander, Die Kolonization des Mississippitales zum Aus- 
gange der franz'sischen Heet shaft. Leipzig, 1902. — Of value for 
economic treatment. 

Gale, Henry, The Upper Mississippi or Historical Sketches of the 
Mound Builders, the Indian Tribes and the Progress oj Civilization 
in the Northwest. Chicago and New York, 1861. — Valueless. 

Hamilton, Peter J., Colonial Mobile. Boston and New York, 1897. 
— The author has had access to important material relating to the 
occupation of the West. He has also followed Winsor pretty closely. 

Harding, Julia Morgan, "Col. George Morgan: His Family and 
Times". Washmgton (Pa.) Observer^ May 21, 1904. — Most complete 
account of the life of Morgan available. 

Hildreth, Samuel R., Tioneer History: being an Account of the First 
Examinations of the Ohio V<fllty, and the Early Settlement of the 
Northwest Territory. Cincinnati, 1848. — Uncritical. 

Hinsdale, B. A., The Old A orthu-est. New York, 1888.— Not based 
on original research. Very uncritical. 

Hinsdale, B. A., "The Western Land Policy of the British Govern- 
ment from 1763 to 1775", in Ohio ArchcEological and Historical 
Quarterly. Columbus, Dec, 1887. — Uncritical and unreliable. 

Hosmer, James K., A tihort History of the Mississippi Valley. 
Boston and New York, 1901. — The author has generalized from 
secondary authorities. Untrustworthy. 

Margry, P., Decouvertes et etabliisements des frangais dans HAmer- 
ique septentrionale, 1614-1^^4^ 6 vols. Paris, 1887. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 197 

Monette, John W., History of the Discovery and Settlement of the 
Valley of the Mississippi, 2 vols. New York, 1848. — Antiquated and 
unreliable. 

Moore, Charles, The Northwest under Three Flags, 163^-^79^' 
New York and London, 1900. — Has used a few good sources in an 
uncritical manner. 

Munro, William B., The Seigniorial System in Canada: A Study in 
French Colonial Policy. New York, 1907. — An excellent, scientific 
account of institutions in the contemporaneous colony. 

Ogg, Frederic A., The Opening of the Mississippi, New York, 1904. 

- — A popular treatment, based on secondary authuriiies. Of little value. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 1 he IV inning of the lVest,^so\s. New York, 

1896. — The author has seen many important sources, but lias used 

them uncritically in some instances. 

Rozier, Firmis A., A History of the Early Settlement of the Missis- 
sippi Valley. St. Louis, 1890. — Of little value. 

bato, bhosuke, A History of the Land Question in the United States. 
J. 11. U. Studies. Baltimore, 1886. — Superficial. 

Schuyler, Robert L., The Iransiiion in Illinois from British to 
American Government. New York, 1909. — Has made excellent use 
of the printed sources. 

bioussat, St. George L., The English Statutes in Maryland. J. H. 
U. Studies. Baltimore, 1903. — Very useful. 

Thwaites, Reuben G., " Early Lead-mining in Illinois and Wiscon- 
sin ", in Annual Report of American Historical Association, 1893. — 
Good. 

Turner, Frederick J., Character and Influence of the Indian Trade 
in Wisconsin. J. H. U. Studies. — Suggestive treatment. 

Viollet, P., Histoue du Droit Civil Irangais (third edition). Paris, 
1905. 

Walker, Charles J., "The Northwest during the Revolution ", in 
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. HI. — Of little value. 
Walton, Frederick Parker, 1 he Scope and Interpretation of the Civil 
Code of Lower Canada. Montreal, 1907. — A sound work. 

W hittelsey, Charles, " The Origin of Land Surveys ", in Journal of 
the Association of Engineering Societies, vol. HI, no. ii. — Contro- 
versial. Relates to authorship of the Historical Account of the Ex- 
pedition of Colonel Bouquet against the Ohio Indians. 

Winsor, Justin, 1 he Mississippi Basin. Boston, 1895. — Covers early 
part of the period. Chief objection is the absence of reference to 
sources. Seems generally accurate. 



198 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Winsor, Justin, Tke Westward Movement of the Colonies and the 
Keptiblic west of the Alleghanies, lyb^-iygS. Boston, 1807. — No 
foot-notes. Based on vast amount of material, but interpretations of 
events in the West during the British period not altogether reliable. 

STATE AND LOCAL HISTORIES. 

A single criticism will be sufficient for the greater part of the follow- 
ing works. With a few exceptions, to which attention will be called, 
they are almost worthless. Sufficient citations have nlready been made 
in the foot-notes to indicate the uncritical and unreliable character of 
most of the writings on western and Illinois history. 

Alerding, H., A Uistoty of the Catholic Church in the Diocese of 
Vincennes. Indianapolis, 1883. 

Billon, Frederick L., Annals of St. Louis in its Farly Days under 
French and Spam sh Dominations^ 2 vols. St. Louis, 1^86. — Necessary 
for the eaily history of St. Louis. The work of an antiquarian. 

Blanchard, Rufus, Uisfory of Illinois to accompany an Historical 
Map of the State. Chicogo, 1883. 

Boggess, Arthur Clinton, 1 he Settlement of Illinois, 1778-18^0. 
Chicago, 1908. — Contains important relerences for study of land ques- 
tion. 

Breese, Sidney, Early History of Illinois. Chicago, 1S84. — Entirely 
untrustworthy. 

Brown, Henry, l^he Histoty cf Illinois, frofn its first Discovery and 
Settlement, to the Fresent. New York, 1884. 

Butler, Mann, h'istory of Kentucky. 1 ouisville, 1834. — Contains 
important documentary appendix. 

Claiborne, J. F. H., Miisissippi as a Province, Territory and Slate. 
Jackson, 1880. 

Craig, O. J., " Ouiatanon ", in Indiana Historical Society Publica- 
tions, II. Indianapolis, 1895. 

Davidson, A., and B. Stuve, A Complete Hislory of Illinois from 
1763-1884. Springfield, 1884. 

Dillon, John B., I he History of Indiana, 2 vols. Indianapolis, 
1843. — Most original ol all the series of state histories. 

Dunn, J. P., jr., Indiana: A Redemptio7i Jr^m Slavery. Boston 
and New York, 1888. — Fair. Has not ustd all the availal)le material. 

Gayarre, C. E., A History of Louisiana, 3 vols. New Orleans, 1906. 
— The best that is available. 

Gerhard, Fred., Illinois as it is. Chicago and Philadelphia, 1857. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



199 



History of Monroe^ Randolph and Parry Counties, Illinois. Phila- 
delphia, 1883. 

History of St. Clair County, Illinois. Philadelphia, 1881. 

Hou k, Louis, A History of Missouri, 3 vols. Chicago, 1908. — An 
accurate, scieniific work. Of little value, however, for the present study. 

Mason, Edward G., Chapters from Illinois history. Chicago, 1901. 

Mason, Edward G., Illinois in the I.ighteenth Century ; Kaskaskia 
and its Parish Records. Chicago, 1889. — Fair. 

Mason, Edward G., " Philippe de Rocheblave and Rocheblave 
Pap'^rs ", with historical sketch and notes, in Chicago Historical Society 
Collections, vol. IV. Chicago, 1890. — Generally accurate. 

Moses, John, Illinois : Historical and Statistical, 2 vols. Chicago, 
1889. — rhe best of the popular histories of Illinois. 

Moses, John, "Court of Inquiry at Fort Chartres", in Chicago His- 
torical Society Collections, \o\. IV. Chicago, 1890. — A brief, but good 
sketch. 

Parrisb, Randall, Historic Illinois : The Romance of the Earlier 
Da\s. Chicago, 1906. 

Peyton, J. Lewis, History of Augusta County, Virginia. Staunton, 
Va., 1882. 

Phelps, Albert, History of Louisiana. New York, 1905. — A read- 
able work, but no contiibulion. 

Reynolds, John, The Pioneer History of Illinois. Belleville, 111., 1852. 

Smith, George, A Student'' s History of Illinois. Bloomington, 1906. 

Terrage, Marc de Villiers du, Les dernier es Annees de la louisiane 
frangaise. Paris, 1903. — Good. The author has made better use of 
the cilunial archives in Paris than any other writer. The work con- 
tains important quotations from the original sources. Considerable 
partiality is shown to Governor Kerlerec. 

Wallace, Joseph, History of Illinois and Louisiana under French 
Rule. Cincinnati, 1893. — Decidedly uncritical. 



ERRATA AND ADDENDA. 

Page 51, line 9. "Pounds of ammunition" should be "rounds of 
ammunition." 

Page 60, hne 6 from the top. " 1766 " should be " 1768 ". 

Page 63, notes 76 and 78. " Jenning's" should be "Jennings'." 

Page 74, note 120. The source is P. R.O., Am. and W. I., v>\. 123. 

Page 80, line 6 from the bottom. In civil and criminal actions the 
commissaries were to have all the powers of justices of the peace in 
any colony. In addition they were to have summary jurisdiction — as 
justices of the peace had not — of civil cases under 10 pounds sterling, 
but in such cases an appeal lay to the superintendent, whose decision 
was final. 

Page loi, note 80. " Chapter VII " should be " chapter VI." 

Page 124, note 62. For the best discussion of the ait'tude of the 
British ministry towards western expansion, see Alvord,*'The British 
Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix", in Wis. Hist. Soc. Froceed- 
ings, 1908, pp. 165 ff. 

Page 133, line 9 from the bottom. " Shelbourne " should be " Shel- 
burne." 

Page 137, note 102. Hillsborough's attitude at this time is best 
described by Alvord, in " British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stan- 
wix", in Wis. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1908, p. 179. 

Page 149, note 16, line 9 from the top. Dartmouth prepared and 
forwarded to Illinois what he called a " Sketch of Government for 
Illinois " should be " Dartmouth prepared and forwarded to Illinois 
what he called a ' Sketch of Government for Illinois '." 

200 



INDEX. 



Abbadie, Eugene d', letters from, 
to French minister, 31 n. ; to 
French commandants, 33 n.; 
blamed for failure of Loftus' 
expedition, 33; Kingsford's 
opinion of, 33 n.; Gage disbe- 
lieves in complicity of, 33, 34; 
gives Loftus advice concerning 
Indians, 34; letters to, from 
St. Ange, 36 n., 41 n. 

Account of the Proceedings of the 
Illinois and Wabash Land 
Companies^ cited, 16 1 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Adair, James, History of the 
American Indian^ cited, 160 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Adams, H. B., Maryland'' s In- 
fluence upon the Land Cessions 
in the United States, cited, 109 
n., 140 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 2, 103 

Albany Congress, 123; considers 
creation of western colonies, 103 

Alden, George H., A^ew Govern- 
ments West of the Alleghanies 
before 1780, cited, 103 n., 104 
n., 140 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Algonquin Indians. See Indians, 
Algonquin 

Alleghany Mountains, 3, 47, 79, 
108, 109 n., Ill, 136, 160 n. 

Alvord, C. W., Illinois Historical 
Collections, vol. II, cited, 7 n., 
8 n., 9 n,, 10 n., 163 n. ; Illi- 
nois in the Eighteenth Century, 
cited, 9 n. ; "Genesis of the 



Proclamation of 1763", cited, 
14 n., 79 n., 140 n.; "The 
British Ministry and the Treaty 
of Fort Stanwix ", cited, 200. 
See also Bibliography 

America, I, 2, 5, 13, 25, 28, 31, 
57, 67, 78, 102 n., 105, 108, 
112, 113, 117, 118, 124 n., 
125 n., 126 n., 127 n., 131, 
149 n., 160 n. ; relations of 
France and England in, 2, 4; 
plan for the management of 
Indians in, 16; agitation in, 
for the establishment of western 
colonies, 104 

American Revolution, 140; pre- 
vents Quebec Act from becom- 
ing effective in West, 26; rela- 
tion of western problem to, 63 
n. ; checks colonizing schemes, 
144, 162 

A??ierican State Papers, Public 
Lands, cited, 17 n., 45 n., 47 
n., 161 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Amherst, Gen. [Jeffrey], 127; 
letters from, to Lieut. -Col. Rob- 
ertson, 18 n.; letters to, from 
Johnson, 28 n., 29 n., 30 n.; 
from Bouquet, 31 n. ; effect 
of policy of economy of, on In- 
dians, 29; succeeded by Gage 
as commander-in-chief of Brit- 
ish army in America, 31; pro- 
poses creation of western settle- 
ments, 127 n., 129 n. 

Andrew, Indian interpreter, ac- 
companies Lieut. Eraser to Illi- 
nois, 40 n. 



201 



202 



INDEX 



Amiah of the West^ cited, 34 n., 
109 n., 140 n. See also Bibli- 
ojrraphy 

Annual Register^ cited, 14 n , 21. 
See also Bihliigraphy 

Annual Report^ American His- 
torical Association, 1893, 120 
n., 124 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Archives of the Ministry of the 
Colonies, cited, 6 n., -^t^ n. 

Arkansas River, forms southern 
boundary of Illinois district, 6 

Articles of Agreement for the land 
company of 1 766, cited, 115 
n., Ii6n.; formation and terms 
of, 115; purpose of, 115, 116; 
extent of territory in proposed 
grant, 115, 121 n.; provision 
for shareholders in, 116 n.; in- 
corporated in Gov. FVanklin's 
proposals for a colony, 117; 
anticipates establishment of civil 
government in Illinois country, 
119 n.; Franklin recommends 
change of, to admit increased 
membership, 130 n. 

Assembly, village, 10 

Atlantic Ocean, 3 

Audit Office records, cited, 52 n. 

Augusta (bounty, Va., 103 

Austria, i 

Austrian Succession, War of the, 2 

Babeau, H., Le village sous Pan- 
cien regime, cited, 10 n.; Les 
assemdlees s;enerales des com- 
munautes d habitants., cited, lO 
n. See also Bibliography 

Bacon, Richard, 72 

Bancroft, George, History of the 
United States, ciied, 27 n., 31 
n., 66 n., 127 n., 147 n., 149 
n., 159 n.; criticism of state- 
ments of, concerning struggle 
for civil government in the Illi- 
nois country, 147 n., 149 n., 
159 n. See also Bibliography 

Bancroft Collection (New York 
Public Library), cited, 31 n., 



32 n., 33 n., 34 n., 35 n., 37 
n., 38 n., 40 n., 41 n., 42 n., 
43 n , 45 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Barbau, Jean Baptiste, resident of 
Prairie du Rocher, 9; app )iiited 
member of court of judicature, 
68 

Barnsley, , letters to, from 

Buiricke, 64 n., 65 n., 66 n., 
68 n., 70 n,, 73 n. 

Barrington, Secreiary of War, 67; 
letters to, from Gage, 45 n.; 
from Farmer, 55 n, ; from Wil- 
kins, 6"] n., 88 n., 97 n., 98 n.; 
advocates restrictive policy to- 
wards West, 108 n., 136; 
"Plan relative to the Out Posts, 
Indian Trade", etc., cited, 108 
n., 136 n.; letter from, to Hal- 
dimand, 162 n. 

Bauvais, ,49 n. ; family of, 

residents of Kaskaskia, 9 

Baynton, John, letter to, from 
Morgan, 73 n.; amojnt of share 
of, in land company, 116 n.; 
believes a civil government will 
be established in Illinois, 1 19 n. 

Baynton and Company, land grant 
in Ilhnois to, 69 n. 

Baynton and Wharton, letters to, 
from Morgan, 60 n., 61 n., 62 
n., 64 n , 65 n., 73 n., 87 n., 
88 n., 89 n., 90 n., 95 n., 97 
n., 98 n., 99 n.; from Maturin, 
74 n. 

Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, 
130 n.; letters from, to Gage, 
55 n.; to Macleane, 2,t, n., 95 
n. ; to Johnson, 105 n., 121 n., 
123 n.; hunting party sent out 
by, attacked by Indians, 63 n.; 
land grant in Illinr)is to, 69 n.; 
court of inquiry called to settle 
disputes between Richard Bacon 
and, 72; competition and suc- 
cess of, 83; letters to, from 
Joseph Dobson, 83 n.; from 
Johiison, 121 n., 122 n. ; enter 
into articles of agreement for 



INDEX 



203 



purchase of lands in Illinois, 
115; enier Vandalia company, 
140 n, ; Wilkins' connection 
with, broken, 155 

Beauvais. See Bauvais 

Bedford party, 134 

Beer, G. L., British Colonial 
J'olicy, cited, 31 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Benefice, seigniory compared with, 
10 

Bentley and Company, trade ex- 
tensively in Illinois country, 83 

Bienville, Le Moine de, plan of, 
with reference to Mississippi 
Valley, 3 

Billnu, H. L., Annals of St. Louisa 
cited, 51 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Blackstone, William, Commen- 
taries, ci'ed, 24. See also Bibli- 
ography 

Blanchard, R., History of Illinois, 
cited, 51 n.; Discovery and 
Conquest of the N^ort/nvest, 
cited, 51 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Bloiiin, Daniel, favored by court 
of judicature, 70; appointed by 
Illinois French as agent to 
Gage, 146; letters from, to 
Dartmouth, 146 n., 147 n., 149 
n., I57n., 159 n, ; gives power 
of attorney during absence from 
Illinois, 147 n.; outlines draft of 
government at request of Gage, 
147-148; Gage's opinion of, 
148 n., 151, 152 n.; returns 
Gage's draft of government to 
Haldimand, 149 n., 150 n.; 
Bancroft's statements concern- 
ing part taken by, in struggle 
for civil government, 159 n. 

Blue Kidge Mountains, 103 

Board of Trade, 61 n., 79, 112, 
124, 125, 127 n., 128, 132, 
136, 138, 141; Shelburne presi- 
dent of, 15; Hillsborough presi- 
dent of, 15, 16; plan of, for 
regulation of the trade and 



management of the Indians, 16; 
relations of Sir William John- 
son with, 18; Johnson writes to, 
concerning irregular behavior 
of traders, 19; devises plan of 
1764 for management of Indian 
affairs, 56; gives directions to 
Indian superintendents, 57; ex- 
presses opinion as to policy to 
be pursued towards West, 78; 
is solicited by land companies, 
108; interprets proclamation of 
1763, 108 n.; receives com- 
munication from Croghan rela- 
tive to establishing a colony in 
Illinois, III; Johnson recom- 
mends colonial project to, 122; 
attitude of, towards proposed 
Illinoiscolony, 125 n., 126, 127; 
Shelburne's communication to, 
130-131; Shelburne's method 
of presenting colonial plan to, 
132; calls for opinions of mer- 
chants, 132; power of, in 1766, 
133, 134; makes adverse report 
on Shelburne's recommendation 
for western colonies, 134-135; 
discussion of report of, 139- 
140; report of, on Vandalia 
grant, 140 

Board of Trade Papers (Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania), cited, 
I9n.,4i n.,49n.,5in.,53n., 
59 n., 83 n., 86 n., 90 n., 91 
n., 92 n., 95 n., loi n., 113 n., 
117 n., 127 n., 129 n., 137 n., 
146 n., 147 n., 149 n., 157 n., 
159 n. 

Boisbriant, Pierre, commissioned 
to govern Illinois country, 6; 
lands of Prairie du Rocher 
owned by, 11 

Bossu, M., Travels, cited, 8 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Bouquet, Col. Henry, 30, 39, no 
n.; expedition of, and its re- 
sults, 30; letters to, from Gage, 
30 n., 32 n., 35 n., 38 n. ; fet- 
ters from, to Amherst, 32 n.; 
to Gage, 38 n.; to Franklin, 



204 



INDEX 



no n.; effect of victory of, 
upon Poniiac, 36 
Bradstreet, Col. John, leads force 
along Lake Erie, 30; sends 
Thomas Morris into Indian 
country, 36; campaign of, a 
failure, 37 n. 
Breese, Sidney, Early History of 
Illinois^ cited, 9 n., 10 n. See 
also Bi])lingraphy 
Briand, Bishop of Quebec, letters 
to, from Father Meurin, 60 n., 
75 n.; creates Father Meurin 
vicar-general of Illinois, 75; 
sends additional priest to Illi- 
nois country, 76 
British army, 15, 92; occupies 
most of western posts, 27; Gage 
succeeds Amherst as comman- 
der-in-chief of, 31; occupies 
Mobile and Pensacola, 32; 
official aid given, in expedition 
of Maj. Loftus, 33; Pontiac 
agrees to offer no further resist- 
ance to, 43; takes formal pos- 
session of Fort de Chartres, 
45; detachment of, in Illinois 
stricken with sickness, 73 n. 
British commandant, immediate 
duty of, after occupation of 
Fort de Chartres, 46; problems 
confronting, 49-50 
British goverimient, 48, 88; guar- 
antees by, of the rights of the 
inhabitants of Illinois under the 
treaty of Paris, 17; transports 
provisions from Fort Pitt to Illi- 
nois country, 55; is slow in 
forming definite program for 
management of Indian affairs, 
56; officials of, fear Indian out- 
break in 1768, 63 n.; expects 
to inherit influence of French 
among Indians of West, 84; 
loss of customs duty to, 94; ex- 
pects to use Fort de Chartres to 
protect trade, 97; adopts policy 
of economy, 113; anxious to 
displace military government of 
Illinois, 158; annuls land grants 
in Illinois country, 160-161 



British ministry, 105, 123 n., 133; 
discuss policy to be pursued to- 
wards West, 13-15; opposing 
views in, 14; purpose of, 21; 
announces western policy in 
proclamation of 1763, 108; atti- 
tude of, towards western colo- 
nization in 1764, I II 

British Museum, Additional Man- 
uscripts, cited, 35 n., 54 n., 
73 n., 94 n., 98 n., 99 n., 102 
n., 143 n., 150 n., 155 n., 156 
n., 157 n., 158 n., 159 n., 160 
n., 161 n., 162 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Brown, H., History of Illinois. 
cited, 7 n., 51 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Bute, Lord, 4 

Butler, M., History of Kentticky, 
cited, 106 n., 107 n., 128 n. 
See also Bibliography. 

Butricke, Ensign, letters from, to 
Barnsley, 64 n., 65 n., 66 n., 
68 n., 70 n., 73 n.; assertion 
of, concerning number of judges 
in court of judicature, 66 

Cabinent, 128, 133; plan for west- 
ern colony approved by, 127; 
Shellnirne presents arguments 
to, in favor of western colonies, 
131. See also British ministry 

Cahokia, 7, 9, 49; mission estab- 
lished at, 5; foundation of, 5 
n.; population of, 7; character 
of land holdings at, 10; parish 
at, II; French cross river at, 
53; case of arbitration at, 65 
n.; Sulpitian property at, sold, 
75 n.; Father Meurin resides 
at, 76 

Cahokia Records, cited, 50 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Calendar of Home Office Papers^ 
ijbb-ijbg^ cited, 78 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Calvert, Benedict, 105 

Calvin's case, 25 n. 

Camden, Lord, 160 

Campbell, Lieut., letter to, from 



INDEX 



205 



Eraser, 41 n.; letter from, to 

Johnson, 51 n. 
Campbell, James, 68 
Campbell v. Hall, case of, cited, 

25 

Canada, 15, 27, 45, 84, 94; pop- 
ulation of, 2; separated fnjm 
English colonies by line of forts, 
3; immigrants from, in Illinois, 
5, 7, 8; cession of, to England, 
8; portion of, reserved for In- 
dians, 15; proposal to place 
"West within jurisniction of, 15; 
liberty of Cathcjlic religion given 
to, by treaty of Paris, 45; Illi- 
nois country described as part 
of, by treaty of Paris, 47; fur- 
trade of, ^^^ 92 n., 94; state- 
ment of Shelburne concerning 
exports and imports of, 05 n.; 
proposed removal of Illinois 
French to, 154; state of affairs 
in, 1763-1773, 161; instruc- 
tions to governor of, respecting 
the Illinois country, 162 

Canadian Archives, series A, cited, 
30 n., 32 n., 35 n., 36 n., 38 
n.; series B, cited, 53 n., 99 
n., 143 n., 148 n., 149 n., 152 
n., 155 n., 156 n., 157 n., 158 
n., 159 n., 160 n., 161 n.; 
series Q, cited, 85 n., 88 n., 
89 n. 

Canadian Archives Reportn for 
1885, cited, 150 n.; for 1904, 
cited, 56 n., 80 n.; for 1905, 
cited, 31 n.,33n.,36n., 38 n., 
41 n. See also Bibliography 

Canadian Constitutional Develop- 
ment (ed. Egerton and Grant), 
cited, 25 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Cape au Gres, suggestion for settle- 
ment at, 99 n. 

Captain of militia. See French 
officials 

Carleton, Gov. Guy, letters to, 
from Johnson, 85 n., %2> n.; 
from FIillsborough,89n ; letters 
from, to Johnson, 92 n. 



Carlisle, Pa., 39 

Catholic missionaries, establish 
missions at Cahokia and Kas- 
kaskia, 5 

Cecirre, Antoine, 65 

Celoron, M., 4 

Cerre, family of, 9 

Chalmers, George, Collection of 
Treaties, cited, 5 n. ; Opinions 
of Eminent Lawyers, c\\Q(Aj 127 
n. See also Bibliography 

Charleston, S. C. , 32 

Charleville, Joseph, 49 n., 70 n. ; 
family of, residents of Kaskas- 
kia, 9; appointed member of 
court of judicature in 1 770, 69; 
holds power of attorney from 
Bloiiin, 147 n. 

Chartres village, Indian depreda- 
tions near, 63; meetings of 
court of judicature at, 71 n.; 
controversy over holding court 
at, 71 

Chatham, Earl of, papers of, re- 
ferred to, 105 n.; papers of 
Mississippi Land Company sent 
to, 109 n.; becomes prime min- 
ister, 123; attitude of ministry 
of, towards America, 133 

Chatham Papers, cited, 44 n., 45 
n., 51 n., 52 n., 53 n., 105 n., 
106 n., 107 n., 109 n., 128 n. 

Cherokee Indians. See Indians, 
Cherokee 

Cherokee River, ic6 n., T44 n. 

Chicago Historical Society Collec- 
tions, cited, 58 n., 64 n,, 66 n., 
70 n., 72 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Chickasaw Indians. See Indians, 
Chickasaw 

China, Company of, 6 n. 

Chippewa Indians. See Indians, 
Chippewa 

Choctaw Indians. See Indians, 
Choctaw 

Choiseul, Gabriel de, 4 

Church, assembly at, 10; descrip- 
tion of, in Illinois, 1 1 

Church of England. See England 



2o6 



INDEX 



Civil government in the Illinois 
country, 79, 105 n, ; move- 
ment for establishment of, in 
1768, 60-61, 98 n.; promoters 
of western colony in 1 766 
expect establishment of, 119 
n. ; proposed in Gov. Frank- 
lin's plan for colony, 119; 
struggle for, 1 770-1 774, 145- 
163; Blouin and Clazon dravir 
up rough draft for, 147; pro- 
posal for, rejected by govern- 
ment, 148, 152 n. ; Gage and 
Hillsborough write in opposi- 
tion to, 148 n.; Gage outlines 
plan for, 149, 1 50-151; Hamil- 
ton addresses Illinois French on 
subject of, 151; Gage writes 
concerning ideas of Illinois 
French on subject of, 1 51-152; 
Lord's report concerning atti- 
tude of inhabitants towards, 159 

Claiborne, J., History of Missis- 
sippi,, 33 n. See also Biblio- 
graphy 

Clare, Lord, 125, 134 

Clark, George Rogers, effects con- 
quest of Illinois, 163 

Clazon, William, 147 n., 149 n., 
152 n., 159 n.; chosen by 
Bloiiin as associate on mission 
to Gage, 146; sketch of gov- 
ernment presented to Gage 
probably the work of, 148; 
Gage's opinion of, 148 n., 151, 
152 n. ; signs Gage's draft of 
government, I50n. 

Clive, [Robert], 4 

Coffin, Victor, The Province of 
Quebec and the Early Ameri- 
can devolution, cited, 140 n., 
150 n., 162 n. See also Bib- 
liography 

Colden, Gov. C, letters to, from 
Johnson, 29 n., 30 n. 

Cole, Edward, appointed com- 
missary of Indian affairs in 
the Illinois country, 57; letters 
from, to Johnson, 57 n., 59 n., 
61 n., 74 n.; to Croghan, 58 



n. ; Gage refuses bills drawn by, 
58 n.; arrival of, at Fort de 
Chartres, 59; provides shelter 
for Indians, 63; recalled from 
Illinois, 74; Gage's estimate of 
expenses incurred in the Illinois 
country by, 95 n. 

Colony, attempts at establishment 
of, in Illinois prior to 1 763, 
103-105; plan of Mississi) pi 
Land Company for establish- 
ment of, 105-108; effect of 
proclamation of 1763 on pro- 
jects for, 108; attitude of 
Charles Lee toward establish- 
ment of, in Illinois, 109-110; 
of Shelburne, no, 124, 125, 
126-127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 
136, 137; of Gage, 114, 115, 
127 n.; of Gov. Franklin, 1 16, 
117-121, 125 n.; of Johnson, 
1 19 n., 122 n., 123; of Lyman, 
124; plan of 1766 for, lu- 
ll 2, 115-127; description of 
plan for, submitted to Board of 
Trade, 128-130; opposition to 
establishment of, 134-144 

('ommandant. See French ofifi- 
cials 

Commissary. See French officials 

Common?, laws of, extended to 
Illinois by French, 10 

Company of China. See China, 
Company of 

Company of the East Indies. See 
East Indies, Company of 

Company of the Indies. See In- 
dies, Company of the 

Company of the West. See West, 
Company of the 

Conr.pte, Jacques, 65 n. 

Connecticut, 124, 147 n., 148 

Connolly, John, 144 n. 

Considerations on the Agreement 
with the Honourable Thomas 
Walpole, cited, 109 n., 129 n., 
130 n. 

Conway, Sir Henry, 125, 133; 
letters to, from Gage, 19 n., 42 
n., 43 n., 44 n., 45 n., 49 n.. 



INDEX 



207 



54 n., 55 n., 75 n., 7611., 91 
n., 98 n., 113 n.; from John- 
son, 122 n.; opinion of, re- 
specting inclusion of West in 
cession of 1763, 78 n.; letter 
from, to Gage, 78 n ; leaves 
miiiistrj', 123; Franklin's opm- 
ion cnncernitig, 123 n. 

<' Council, Copy of, held at the 
Illinois in April, 1765 ", cited, 
38 n. 

Court, clerk of. See P'rench offi- 
cials 

Court of arbitration, 65, 156 n. 

Court of inquiry, 72; proceedings 
of, cited, 72 n. 

Court of judicature, establishment 
and purp'ise of, 65; authority 
for establishment of, discussed, 
66-67; history of, 68-72; 
changes in composition of, 69; 
power of, extended, 69-70; 
attitude of, towards French, 
70; breaks with Wilkins, 71; 
controversy over place of mett- 
ing of, 71; petitions Wilkins 
not to interfere with its pro- 
ceedings, 72; abolished, 72; 
effect of abolition of, on inhab- 
itants, 145; later cessions of, 

145 n- 

Court of King's Bench, designed 
for Illinois, 162 

Court Record, MS. (Chester, 111 ), 
cited, 65 n., 66 n., 67 n., 68 
n., 69 n., 70 n., 71 n., 72 n., 
145 n., 146 n. 

Courts, local village, 65 

Crawford, a trader, 41 n.; accom- 
panies John Ross to Fort de 
Chartres, 37 

Crawford, Hugh, letters to, from 
Fraser, 40 n. 

Croghan, Col. George, 38 n., 39, 
40, 43, 49, 112, 144 n.; sent 
by Johnson as deputy to In- 
dians, 38; account of journey 
of. from Carlisle to Fort Pitt, 
39; "Journal of Transactions " 
(Parknian Coll.), cited, 39 n., 



40 n.; statement of, relative to 
Siiinolt, 40 n.; experiences of, 
on journey down the Ohio, 41- 
42; " Journal of " (Thwaites), 
cited, 42 n., 43 n.; begins 
negotiations with western In- 
dians, 42-43; Sterling's doubts 
concerning peace made by, 45 
n.; letters to, from Johnson, 
45 n., 58 n., 112 n.; letters 
from, to Gage, 53 n., 59 n.; 
to J(jhnson, 58 n., 59n., 60 n., 
Ill p., ii2n., ii6n., iign., 
121 n , 122 n.; to B. Franklin, 
86 n., 93 n., 98 n.; undertakes 
second mission to western In- 
dians, 58; instructions to, 1766, 
cited, 58 n.; negotiates general 
peace with Indians, 59; state- 
ment of, respecting contraband 
trade, 86 n.; plans of, for estab- 
lishment of colony in the Illi- 
nois country, 1 1 1 ; sent to Eng- 
land by Johnson, ill n.; in- 
structed by Johnson to inves- 
tigate property of French in 
Illinois, 112 n.; enters land 
company for settlement of Illi- 
nois, 115; transmits Gov. 
Franklin's proposals for colony 
to Johnson, 121 n.; letters and 
journals of, 123 

Cuba, 126 

Gumming, Thomas, 106 n., 128; 
letters to, from Mississippi Land 
Company, 106 n., 107 n., 1280. 

Customs accounts, cited, 94 n. 

Dartmouth, Lord, 140 n., 147, 
159 n.; letters from, to Cra- 
mahe, 16 n.; to Gage, 153 n., 
154 n., I55n., I57n., 161 n.; 
to Haldimand, 157 n., 161 n.; 
to Johnson, 157 n.; succeeds 
Hillsborough as secretary of 
state, 140 n., 149 n.; letters to, 
from Bloiiin, 146 n., 147 n., 
157 n., 159 n.; from Gage, 
91 n., 93n , 146 n., 147 n., 
148 n., 149 n., 158 n.; from 



208 



INDEX 



Haldimand, 157 n., 161 n.; 
altitude of, towards civil gov- 
ernment for Illinois, 149 n., 
153; expresses concern over 
status of the Illinois country, 

154-155 
Davidson, A., and B. Stuve. A 

Complete History of Illinois^ 

cited, 66 n., 70 n. See also 

Bibliography 

Davion's Bluff, 32 

De Hars, W., History of the 
Early Settlement and Indian 
Wars of Western Virginia, 
109 n. See also Bibliography 

Delaware Indians. See Indians, 
Delaware 

Detroit, 3, 59, iii; occupation 
of, 27; holds out against Pon- 
tiac, 29; advance of Bradstreet 
to, 30; Pontiac's attempt to 
capture, 30; Bradstreet's cam- 
paign in vicinity of, 36; escape 
of Capt. Morris to, 37; Cro- 
ghan concludes peace with In- 
dians at, 43; Shelburne pro- 
poses establishment of colony 
near, 129; proposed colony at, 
131 n., 132 

Dictionary of National Biog- 
raphy, cited, 50 n. 

Dillon, J., History of Indiana, 
cited, 17 n., 46 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Dinwiddle, Gov. [Robert], in 
n., 128 

Dobson, Joseph, letter from, to 
Baynton, Wharton and Mor- 
gan, 83 n. 

Documents relating to the Colo- 
nial History of the State of A'ew 
York, cited, 28 n., 30 n., 34 
n., 38 "■> 39 n., 40 n., 43 n., 
45 n., 51 n., 55 n., 56 n., 57 
n., 58 n., 59 n., 61 n., 64 n., 
73 n., 74 n., 79 n.. Son., 81 
n., 85 n., 86 n. , 89 n., 98 n, , 
102 n., Ill n., 112 n., 127 n., 
129 n., 132 n., 134 n., 137 n. 
See also Bibliography 



Documents relating to the Consti- 
tutional History of Canada, 
ij^g-iygi (ed. Shortt and 
Doughty), cited, 5 n., 7 n., 14 
n., 15 n., 16 n., 17 n., 22 n., 
25 n., 47 n., 48 n., 79 n., 81 
n., 88 n,, 108 n., 162 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Dunmore War, 157 n. 

Dunn, J. P., History of Indiana, 
cited, 51 n., 58 n. See also 
Bibliography 

East Florida. See Florida 

East Indies, Company of, 6 n. 

Edinburgh, 104 

Egremont, Lord, 14, 15; letter 
from, to Lords of Trade, 14 n. 

Eidington, Lieut,, lettersof,44 n., 
45 n., 51 n., 52 n., 53 n., 69n. 

England, 28, 77, 84, 90, 91, 92, 
95 n., 96, loi, 105, III, 116 
n., 117, 119, 122, 125, 128, 
130 n., 131, 141 n., 149, 156, 
160 n.; relation of, to France 
in America, I ; cession of Illi- 
nois country to, 7; influence 
of, in Upper Ohio Valley, 84; 
importation of furs into, 86, 87, 
94; promise of aid to Indians 
against, 89; dispute between, 
and Spain over Falkland Is- 
lands, 101, 143; agitation in, 
for establishment of western 
colonies, 104, 105; Mississippi 
Land Company maintains agent 
in, 106; Croghan's statement 
regarding attitude of, towards 
western cokmization, iio-lil; 
established church of, provision 
for, in plan for colony in the 
Illinois country, 120 n.; political 
situation in, in 1767, 133; 
Spain yields to demands of, 144 

England, Political History of{ed. 
Hunt and Poole), cited, 4 n., 
123 n., 134 n., 143 n., 149 n. 

English army. S'e British army 

English government. See British 
government 



INDEX 



209 



English law, application of, to 
West, 24-25 

English merchants. See Traders 

English settlers, warning of Cele- 
ron to, 4 

English troops. See British army 

Erie, Lake, 30, 129 

Europe, 8, 117; situation in, 
leading to Seven Years' War, 
1-2 

Evans, Lewis, 124 

Expediency of securi7ig our Amer- 
ican Colonies by settling the 
Country adjoining the River 
Mississippi, contents of, de- 
scribed, 104, 117 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Falkland Islands, loi, 143 

Farmer, Maj. Robert, 44, 51 
"•» 54> 55 "•» sends Lieut. 
Ross to Illinois on mission to 
Indians, 37; letters to, from 
Ross, 37 n., 38 n.; letters from, 
to Gage, 49 n., 51 n., 53 n., 
54 n.; to Haldimand, 54 n.; 
to Barrington, 55 n.; takes 
command of Fort de Chartres, 
51; misrepresented to French 
in IlHnois, 53 n.; superseded 
in command of Fort de Chartres 
by Col. Reed, 55 

Fitzhugh, Henry, 105 

Fitzmaurice, Edmund, Life of 
Shelburne, cited, 133 n., 140 
n. See also Bibliography 

Flagg, Edmund, 65 n.; The Far 
IVesty cited, 65 n., 66 n., 68 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Florida, 18 n., 51 n., 99, 100, 
I35» I43» 188; cession of, to 
England, 6; civil government 
extenc^ed to, by proclamation 
of 1763, 14, 23; posts in, occu- 
pied by English troops, 32 

Forbes, Capt. Hugh, 62 n., 64, 
89 n.; takes command of Fort 
de Chartres, 61; orders of, to 
English and French, 62; prepa- 
rations of, to meet Indian 



attack, 63; letters from, to 
Gage, 64 n., 93 n., 96 n.; at- 
tempts to regulate trade, 93, 
96 n. 
"Forbes, Capt., Information of 
the State of Commerce given 
by, 1768", 87 n., 89 n. 

Forget, Father M., 75 n. 

Fort Adams. See Davion's Bluff 

Fort de Chartres, 18, 19 n., 30, 
40, 43, 46, 50 n., 53 n., 55, 
57, 60, 69 n., 70 n., 71, 75, 
83» 90, 93» 96 n., 97 n., 98 n., 
113, 119 n., 144, 156 n.; order 
for erection of, 6; statement by 
George Phyn concerning gov- 
ernment of, 20 n.; English 
possession of, 23; troops de- 
signed for, 32; St. Ange trans- 
ferred to, 35; de Villiers leaves, 
36; preparations to send troops 
from, 37; Croghan invited to, 
43; preparations for rehef of, 
44; final occupation of, 45; 
articles of surrender of, cited, 
45 n.; lack of sufiScient supplies 
at, 51-52; supplies sent to, 54; 
Indian representatives sent to, 
58; Col. Reed in command of, 
60; preparations to meet Indian 
attack on, 63; Indian depre- 
dations in vicinity of, 73; 
trade carried on at, 82, 87; 
estimate of Indian expenses at, 
95; intention of British regard- 
ing use of, 97; plan for main- 
tenance of, 118; destruction 
of, 156 

Fort Gage, 156, 162 

Fort Massac, 32, 44 

Fort Miami, 27 

Fort Pitt, 20 n., 31, 39, 40 n., 
43> 44. 51 "m 59 n., 141; holds 
out against Pontiac, 29; Bou- 
quet raises siege of, 30; prepa- 
rations to send troops to Illi- 
nois from, 38; goods sent to, 
39; Croghan at, 39, 41; pro- 
visions sent to Illinois from, 
55; rendezvous for English 



210 



INDEX 



traders, 82; instructions to 
commander of, regarding Eng- 
lish traders, 91; orders to send 
French traders as prisoners to, 

93 
Fort Stanwix, 140 n., 144 

Fox River, 88 

France, 18 n., 29, 47, 53, ']^, 84, 
98 n.; aggressions of, i, 2; re- 
lations of, with Ilngland in 
America, 2-5, 28, 84; cession 
of Louisiana and New Orleans 
to Spain by, 5; immigrants 
from, in Illinois, 7-8; organ- 
ization of village community 
and system of land tenure in, 
10; orders sent from, to evacu- 
ate Illinois, 27; Jesuits expelled 
from Illinois by order of, 75; 
methods employed by, in deal- 
ing with Indians, 84-85; furs 
sent to, from Illinois, 90, 95 
n., 96 

Franklin, Benjamin, 79 n., 116, 
121 n., 123 n., 128, 134, 136, 
137, 141; Works of (ed. 
Sparks), cited, 78 n.; Works 
0/ {ed. Bigelow), cited, 79 n., 
81 n., 109 n., lion., 119 n., 
121 n., 123 n., 124 n., 125 n., 
126 n., 127 n., 129 n., 132 n., 
137 n., 140 n.; letters to, from 
Croghan, 86 n., 93 n., 98 n.; 
from Bouquet, no n.; from 
Johnson, 122 n.; from W. 
Franklin, 123 n.; from T. 
Wharton, 130 n.; statement 
of, relative to Mississippi Land 
Company, 109 n.; letters from, 
to W. Franklin, no n., 119 
n., 122 n., 123 n., 124 n., 125 
n., 126 n., 127 n., 129 n., 132 
n., 137 n.; to Johnson, 122 n., 
123 n.; part taken by, in estab- 
lishment of Illinois colony, 122, 
123, 124, 125, 126, 130 n., 
132, 140 n.; Works of (ed. 
Smythe), cited, 123 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Franklin Papers (American Phil- 



osophical Society), cited, no 
n,, 117 n., 119 n., 123 n., 144 
n. See also Bibliography 

Franklin Papers, Calendar of the 
(ed. Hays I, cited, lion. See 
also Bibliography 

Franklin, Gov. William, 61 n., 
ii9n,, i2in., 130 n.; letters 
to, from B. Franklin, no n., 
119 n., 122 n., 123 n., 124 n., 
125 n., 126 n., 127 n., 129 n., 
132 n., 137 n.; from Johnson, 
121 n., 122 n., 127 n.; part 
taken by, for establishment of 
Illinois colony, 115, 116, 117, 
119-121, 122 n., 142; letters 
from, to B. Franklin, 117 n., 
123 n. 

Franks and Company, 83 

Franz, A., Die Kolonization des 
Mississippitales, cited, 10 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Fraser, Lieut., 40 n., 43, 50 n.; 
goes to Illinois, 38-39, 40; ex- 
periences of, with Indians, 40- 
41 ; letters from, to Crawford, 40 
n.; toGage,40n.,4in.,53n.; 
to Campbell, 41 n.; report of 
death of, 41 n.; accusations of, 
against St. Ange, 53 n.; "Re- 
port on an Exploratory Survey", 
cited, 53 n. 

Frederick the Great, 2, 4 

French, of the Illinois country, 29, 
31, 36, 59, 72, 112 n., 121 n.; 
original purpose of colony of, 
5; origin of, 7; character of, 
8-9; description of government 
of, 9-10; character of land 
holdings of, lO-ii; character- 
ization of church of, ii; pro- 
visions for government of, 14, 
15-18, 21, 24-25, 49, 64-66, 
70 n., 145, I49-I50' I53-I55> 
158, 161-162; charge English 
high prices for goods, 52; ex- 
tent of migration of, in 1765, 
53 n.; Farmer issues proclama- 
tion to, 54 n.; attempts of, to 
stir up Indians, 55-56, 64 n.; 



INDEX 



211 



relations of, with British com- 
mandants, 60, 61, 62, 64, 71, 
157; friction among, 64, 65; 
attitude of, towards Morgan, 
68; religious privileges ac- 
corded, 76; trade carried on 
by, 28, 86-87, 89-90; Gage 
recommends establishment of 
colony on lands vacated by, 
1 13- 1 14; company formed to 
purchase land from, 115-116; 
actions of, relative to civil gov- 
ernment, 146, 147 n., 151, 152, 
159. See also Traders, French 

French and Indian War, 4, 49, 
124 

French officials, 9, 10, 31, 33, 34, 
49, 50, 65 n. 

French traders. See Traders 

Fur-trade. See Trade 

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 30, 32, 35, 
38, 44, 45 n., 48, 49 n., 51, 
54 n., 57 n., 67, 70 n., 95 n., 
96 n., 99, 127, 138, 151, 153, 
156; proclamation of, to in- 
habitants of Illinois, 17, 24, 
46-47; proposes military gov- 
ernment for Illinois, 18, 114; 
letters from, to Hillsborough, 
ign., 20 n., 21 n., 58 n., 61 
n., 62 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n., 
74 n., 78 n,, 83 n., 87 n., 88 
n., 89 n., 90 n., 92 n., 93 n., 
95 "•' 97 n., 98 n., 99 n., loi 
n., 127 n., 139 n., 143 n., 144 
n., 146 n., 148 n., 149 n., 156 
n., 157 n.; to Shelburne, 23 
"•J 55 "•' 59 n-. 62 n., 64 n., 
86 n., 87 n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 
n.; to Bouquet, 30 n,, 32 n., 
35 n., 38 n.; to Halifax, 31 n., 
32 n., 34 n., 35 n., 37 n., 98 
n.; to Haldimand, 35 n., 73 
n., 99 n., 148 n., 149 n,, 152 
n,, 155 n., 156 n., 158 n., 160 
n.; to Johnson, 40 n., 41 n., 
45 n., 54 n., 57 n., 59 n., 61 
n., 64 n., 73 n., 74 n., 91 n., 
92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96 n., 97 



n., 98 n., 156 n., 157 n.; to 
Conway, 42 n., 43 n., 44 n., 
45 n., 49 n., 51 n., 55 n., 75 
n., 76 n., 91 n., 98 n., 113 n.; 
to Barrington, 45 n.; to Dart- 
mouth, 91 n.. 93 n., 146 n., 
147 n., 148 n., 158 n.; to Pow- 
nall, 147 n.; to Hamilton, 151 
n.; letters to, from Hillsbo- 
rough, 21 n., 23 n., 64 n., 67 

n., 73 n-> 91 "•> 99 "•> 100 n., 
loi n., I34.n., 135 n., 139 n., 

142 n., 148 n., 154 n., 156 n.; 
from Robertson, 32 n., 33 n.; 
from Loftus, 32 n., 33 n., 34 
n.; from Bouquet, 38 n ; from 
Johnson, 38 n., 61 n., 91 n., 
92 n.; from Fraser, 40 n., 41 
n , 53 n.; from Sterling, 44 n., 
45 n., 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 
n-, 52 n., 53 n., 56 n., 75 n.; 
from Farmer, 49 n., 51 n., 53 
n., 54 n.; from Croghan, 52 
n., 59 n ; from Baynton, Whar- 
ton and Morgan, 55 n.; from 
Forbes, 64 n., 93 n., 96 n.; 
from Wilkins, 64 n., 96 n., 98 
n., I55n., I56n.; from Conway, 
78 n.; from Taylor, 99 n.; from 
Shelburne, iion., 126 n., 127 
n., 131 n.; from Haldmnand, 

143 n., 156 n., 157 n.; from 
Pownall, 147 n.; from Dart- 
mouth, 153 n., 154 n., 155 n., 
157 n., 161 n.; from Sowers, 
155 n.; from Lord, 157 n., 160 
n., 161 n.; takes command of 
British army in America, 31; 
opinion of, concerning French 
officials, 33, 34; issues instruc- 
tions to Fraser, 40; supplies 
sent to Illinois by, 54; letters 
of (Harvard College), cited, 54 
n., 58 n., 59 n., 64 n., 73 n., 
74 n., 93 n., 95 n., 156 n., 157 
n.; Croghan sent to Illinois by, 
58; extent of authority of, in 
Indian affairs, 58 n ; fears In- 
dian outbreak, 64 n.; knowl- 
edge of, concerning judicial 



212 



INDEX 



court in Illinois, 66-67; opinion 
of, concerning sale of church 
property in Illinois, 75 n.; opin- 
ion of, concerning England's 
object in West, 78 n.; attempts 
of, to protect trade in Illinois, 
87 n., 89, 91, 92, 93, 96, 99; 
statement of, concerning com- 
petition between French and 
English in Illinois, 90; plans 
of, for attack upon New Or- 
leans, loo-ioi, 144; statement 
of, concerning expenses of mili- 
tary department, 102 n.; part 
taken by, in efforts to establish 
Illinois colony, 113-114, 115, 
118, 127 n., 129 n., 136, 139 
n., 141-142; instructions to, 
respecting attack upon Louisi- 
ana, 143; Blouin sent to, as 
representative of Illinois French, 
146-147; attitude of, towards 
civil government for Illinois, 
148-153, 158; annuls land 
grants in Illinois, 160-161 

Galloway, Joseph, 69 n., 115, 116 
n., 117, 123 n. 

Gayarre, C. E., Louisiana^ cited, 
33 n. See also Bihhography 

Gentry, description of, 8-9 

George III, 4 

Georgia, colony of, 135 

Germany, no 

Gibault, Father Pierre, 76 

Girardot, Pierre, 68, 147 n. 

Gordon, Capt. Harry, 59 n.; let- 
ter from, to Johnson, 34 n.; 
** Notes on the Country along 
the Mississippi from Kaskaskia 
in the Illinois to New Orleans", 
cited, 99 n.; ** Journal down 
the Ohio, 1766", cited, 87 n., 
97 n., 98 n., 99 n. 

Government. See Civil Govern- 
ment 

Grafton, , 133 

Great Britain, 47, 66, 84, 85, 87, 
95 n., 96, 97, loi, 102, 104, 
107, 122 n., 126 n., 132, 135, 
142, 163; problem confronting. 



in 1763, i; Canada ceded to, 
by France, 5; receives title to 
Illinois region, 27; inhabitants 
of Illinois guaranteed rights of 
subjects of, 47; Indians profess 
allegiance to, 55; opinions con- 
cerning advantages to, by estab- 
lishment of Illinois colony, 96- 
97,118. 6'<?^«Ao England, and 
items under British army, British 
government, etc. 

Green Bay, 27 

Grenada, province of, 14, 25 

Grenville ministry, 15 

Grenville Papers y cited, 133 n., 
134 n. 

Haldimand, Gen., 99, 100, 142, 
143 n.; letters from, to Gage, 
143 n., 156 n., 157 n.; to Dart- 
mouth, 157 n., 161 n.; to Lord, 
159 n.; to Johnson, i6r n.; 
takes command of the Amer- 
ican army, 149 n.; plan for 
civil government for Illinois 
submitted to, 150 n.; report to. 
concerning attitude of the Illi- 
nois French, 159 

Haldimand Papers (British Mu- 
seum), cited, 148 n., 149 n., 
152 n., 153 n., 161 n. 

HaHfax, Lord, 15, 79, 112; let- 
ters to, from Gage, 31 n., 32 
n., 34 n., 35 n., 37 n., 98 n. 

Hamilton, Maj. Isaac, letters 
from, to Gage, 146 n., 151 n.; 
to Stuart, 157 n.; acting com- 
mandant in Illinois, 148, 156; 
circulates among Illinois French 
a plan of government, 149; ad- 
dresses inhabitants of Illinois 
relative to a civil government, 

151 

Hamilton, P. J., Colonial Mobile, 

cited, 143 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 
Hardmg, Julia Morgan, "Biog- 
raphy of Col. George Morgan ", 
cited, 68 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 



INDEX 



213 



Havana, 5 

Hay, Maj. John, sent on mission 
to the Illinois country, 162 n. 

Hazard, Samuel, outlines proposal 
for western colony, 103-104 

Hillsborough, Lord, 21, 24, 99, 
109 n., 140, 144, 151, 153; 
president of Board of Trade, 
15; author of plan of 1764, 16, 
56, 80; interest of, in West, 
17; letters from, to Gage, 21 
n., 23 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n., 
97 n., 99 n., 100 n., loi n., 
134 n., 135 n., 139 n., 142 n., 
148 n., 154 n., 156 n., i6on.; 
to Johnson, 73 n., 74 n., 102 
n.; to Carleton, 89 n.; letters 
to, from Gage, 21 n., 58 n., 61 
n., 62 n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n., 
74 n., 78 n., %i n., 87 n., 88 
n., 89 n , 90 n., 92 n., 93 n., 
95 n., 97 n-. 98 n., 99 n., loi 
n., 127 n., 139 n., 143 n., 144 
n., 146 n., 148 n., 149 n., 156 
n., 157 n.; from Johnson, 64 
n,, 73 n., 85 n., 86 n., 89 n., 
102 n.; attitude of, towards 
IlHnois French, 62 n.; fears 
Indian outbreak, 63 n ; knowl- 
edge of, concerning court of 
judicature, 67; views of, re- 
specting value of West to Eng- 
land, 96-97, 100; orders of, 
for conquest of Louisiana, loi, 
143; attempt of, to regulate 
trade, 102 n.; attitude of, on 
colonial project, 132 n., 133, 

1345 I35-I37> 138, 139 n-» 140 
n., 142, 144, 148 n.; becomes 
secretary of state for colonies, 
134; interpretation placed on 
proclamation of 1763 by, 140- 
141; effect of restrictive policy 
of, 145; expresses concern over 
status of western settlements, 

154 
Hinsdale, B. A., "The Estab- 
lishment of the First Southern 
Boundary of the United States ", 
cited, 124 n.; The Old North- 



west^ cited, 140 n.; ''The 
Western Land Policy of the 
British Government from 1763 
to 1775", cited, 140 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Historical Magazine^ cited, 64 n., 
65 n., 66 n., 68 n., 70 n., 72 
n., 73 n. See also Bibliography 

Holy Family, parish of, at Ca- 
hokia, 1 1 

Home, Capt., letter from, to Hal- 
dimand, 99 n. 

Hughes, John, 116 n.; enters 
company for purchase of land 
in Illinois country, 115 

Huron, Lake, 109 

Hutchins, Thomas, A Topograph- 
ical Description^ cited, 3 n.; 
letters from, to Johnson, 43 n.; 
to Haldimand, 100 n.; accom- 
panies Croghan to Illinois, 59 
n.; "Remarks upon the Coun- 
try of the lUinois", cited, 88 
n., 94 n., 95 n., 98 n., 99 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Iberville, d' (Lemoine or Le- 
moyne), 3 

Iberville River, 99 

Illinois Land Company, 160, 161 n. 

Illinois River, 5, 6, 23 n., 87, 88, 
93» 97. 98 n., 99, 100, 109 n., 
no, III, 139, 160 

Immaculate Conception, parish 
of, II 

India, 2, 4 

Indian affairs, plan for manage- 
ment of, 16, 19, 77, 80, 81, 
102; commissary of, 56-57, 80; 
superintendents of, 56, 57, 79, 
80, 119 n. See also Johnson, 
Sir WiUiam 

Indian country, 14, 19. See also 
West 

Indians, 8, 12, 21 n., 31, 39 n., 
41, 48 n., 53, 62n.,82, 85, 87 
n., 89 n., 90, 97, loi, 102, 
104, 106 n., 107, 108 n., 112 
n., 113, 114, 118, 119, 126 n,, 
131, 132, 135, 139, 153 n., 



214 



INDEX 



157; provisions for regulation 
of trade with, 15 n., 16, 80-81, 
102 n., 138; lands reserved for 
use of, 16, 79, 108, 139; influ- 
ence of Spanish over, 23, 61 ; 
influence of French over, 23, 

30, 41, 61, 78, 84; causes of 
revolt of, in 1762, 28-29; pres- 
ents to, 29, 32, 34, 39 n., 51, 
52 n., 54, 58, 85; attitude 
of, towards English, 30, 32, 
35> 36, 37» 40» 4i-43» 44. 
45 n., 52, 55, 60, 61-63, 11>- 
74; attack expedition of Maj. 
Loftus, 34; Croghan sent to 
conciliate western, 38; goods 
designed for, destroyed, 39; 
employed to carry supplies to 
Fort de Chartres, 54; incited 
by French, 55-56, 88-89; plan 
for government of, 56; Croghan 
sent on mission to, 58; general 
peace with, concluded, 59; civil 
war among, 74; history of Eng- 
lish management of, 78-80; 
expectations concerning trade 
with, in Illinois country, 82; 
contrast between English and 
French methods of dealing with, 
85-86; expense of management 
of, in Illinois country, 95; 
plans to purchase lands from, 
in Illinois country. III, 119, 
160; Illinois, 5, 45 n., 61, 62 
n., "^T; Iroquois, 27; Algon- 
quin, 28, 29; Delaware, 30, 

31. 35. 39, 59, 62, 73 n.; 
Shawnee, 30, 31, 35, 39, 40 n., 
41, 42, 44, 59, 62, 73 n.; Ton- 
ica, 32; Chickasaw, 34 n., 37; 
Cherokee, 34 n., 42 n., 87 n.; 
Choctaw, 37; Osage, 38; Mis- 
souri, 38, 62 n.; Seneca, 40 
n.; Mascoutin, 42; Kickapoo, 
42,63; Chippewa, 63; Ottawa, 
63; Pottawottomi, 63 

Indies, Company of, 6, 8 
Intendant of Louisiana, civil offi- 
cials of Illinois responsible to, 
10 



"Invitation Serieuse aux Habi- 
tants des Illinois ", contents of, 
152-153; relation of, to strug- 
gle for civil government, 152. 
See also Bibliography 

Jackson, Richard, recommends 
establishment of colony in Illi- 
nois country, 125 n., 127; 
counsel to Board of Trade, 
127 n. 

Jamaica, 25 n. 

Jennings, John, Journal of, cited, 
63 n. See also Bibliography 

yesuit Relniioiis (ed. Thwaites), 
cited, 60 n,, 75 n., 76 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Jesuits, II; property of, in Illi- 
nois confiscated, 75 

Johnson, Guy, letter from, to Hal- 
dimand, 161 n. 

Johnson Manuscripts (New York 
State Library), cited, 19 n., 
20 n., 30 n., 37 n., 38 n., 39 
n., 41 n., 43 n., 45 n., 52 n., 
55 n., 57 n., 58 n., 59 n., 60 
n., 61 n., 63 n., 73 n., 74 n., 
82 n., 91 n., 92 n., 93 n., 96 
n., 97 n., 98 n., loi n., 105 
n., Ill n., 112 n., ii6n., 119 
n., 122 n., 123 n., 141 n., 157 
n., 161 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Johnson, Sir William, 15 n., 19., 
24, 30, 38 n., 40 n., 45 n., 48 
n., 58, 64 n., 67, 92, 99, 112 
n., 116 n., Ii9n., I22n., 123, 
124 n., 127 n., 141; letters to, 
from Gage, 19 n., 40 n., 41 n., 
45 n., 54 n., 57 n., 58 n., 59 
n., 61 n., 64 n., 73 n., 74 n., 
91 n., 92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96 
n., 97 n., 98 n., 156 n., 157 
n.; from Phyn, 20 n., 87 n., 
91 n., 93 n., 98 n,, loi n.; 
from Gordon, 37 n.; from 
Shuckburgh, 41 n.; from Hut- 
chins, 43 n.; from Macdonald, 
43 n.; from Campbell, 51 n.; 
from Cole, 57 n., 59 n., 61 n.. 



INDEX 



215 



74 n.; from Croghan, 58 n., 
59 n., 60 n., Ill n., 112 n., 
116 n., IT9 n., 121 n., 122 n.; 
from Hillsborough, 73 n., 74 
n., 102 n.; from Lords of 
Trade, 86 n.; from Carleton, 
92 n.; from Baynton, Wharton 
and Morgan, 105 n., 121 n., 
123 n.; from W. Franklin, 122 
n.; from B. Franklin, 122 n., 
123 n.; from Dartmouth, 157 
n.; from Haldimand, 161 n.; 
declaration of, concerning gov- 
ernment in West, 20; "Keview 
of the Trade and Affairs of the 
Indians in the Northern District 
of America ", cited, 20 n., 85 
n., 86 n., 98 n.; letters from, 
to Amherst, 28 n., 29 n., 30 
n.; to Lords of Trade, 28 n., 
30 n., 38 n., 39 n., 41 n., 43 
n., 45 n., 51 n., 55 n., 57 n., 
59 n., 61 n., 79 n., 85 n., 86 
n., 128 n.; to Golden, 30 n.; 
to Gage, 38 n., 61 n,, 73 n., 
91 n., 92 n.; to Groghan, 45 
n., 58 n., 112 n.; to Shelburne, 
55 n., 56 n., 58 n., 59 n., 61 
n., 85 n.; to Hillsborough, 64 
n.» 73 n-, 85 n., 86 n., 89 n., 
102 n.; to Penn, 82 n.; to 
Garleton, 85 n., 88 n.; to Bayn- 
ton, W'harton and Morgan, 121 
n., 122 n.; to B. Franklin, 121 
n., 122 n.; to W. Franklin, 
121 n., I22n., I27n.; to Gon- 
way, 122 n.; to Haldimand, 
161 n.; instructions of, to Gro- 
ghan, 38, 1 1 1 n., 1 1 2 n ; neglect 
of Indian affairs by, 57; extent 
of authority of, in Indian affairs, 
58 n.; connection of , with colo- 
nial project, 112, 115, 119 n., 
121— 122; suggested as gover- 
nor of proposed Illinois colony, 
119 n. 

Johnstone, Gov., 51 n. 

Journal of the Association of En- 
ginceri^tg Societies, cited, 119 
n. See also Bibliography 



Judge. See French officials 
Jury, trial by, 70 
Justices of the peace, 16 

Kaskaskia, 9, 69, 97, 146, 156, 
158 n., 160; mission estab- 
lished at, 5; population of, 7; 
character of land holdings at, 
10; parish at, ii; troops de- 
signed for, 32; Gapt. Ster- 
ling confronted with opposition 
at, 47-49; French cross river 
at, 53; meetings of court of 
judicature at, 71 n.; contro- 
versy over holding court at, 71; 
Jesuits at, 75; Father Gibault 
takes up residence at, 76; de- 
signed as center of government 
for Illinois, 162 

Kaskaskia Records (British Pe- 
riod), cited, 67 n., 69 n. , 70 n., 
147 n., 150 p., 156 n., 157 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Kaunitz, 2 

Kentucky, state of, 106 

Kerlerec, Gov., letters to, from 
Neyon, 31 n. 

Kickapoo Indians. See Indians, 
Kickapoo 

King's attorney. See French 
officials 

Kingsford, William, History of 
Canada^ cited, 27 n., 28 n., 
31 n., 32 n., 33 n., 36 n., 40 
n., 42 n. See also Bil)liography 

Knox, William, "Justice and Policy 
of the Quebec Act, cited, 22 n., 
81 n. See also Bibliography 

Labuxiere, Joseph, 49 

Lachance, family of, 9 

Laclede, , 87 

La Groix, J. B. H., 9 

La Grange, M., signs petition of 
inhabitants of Illinois, 49 n.; 
appointed judge, 50 

Langlois, family of, 1 1 

Lansdowne MSS. , cited, 91 n., 
93 n., 97 n., 98 n., 108 n., 
127 n., 131 n., 136 n., 140 n., 
142 n. See also Bibliography 



2l6 



INDEX 



La Salle, M. de, 3, 5 

Lead -mining, important industry 

in Illinois country, 120 n. 
Lee, Arthur, 105, 109 n., 128 
Lee, Charles, 109 n.; outlines 

plan for colonies in West, 109- 

IIO 

Lee, Francis Lightfoot, 105 

Lee, Richard Henry, 105 

Lee, Thomas, 105 

Lee, William, 105; letter to, 
from Mississippi Land Com- 
pany, 109 n. 

Lee Papers {N. Y. Hist. Soc. 
Colls. ^ Fund series), cited, 109 
n., no n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Lefebvre, Joseph, 49 

L'Esperance, Joseph, 71 

Leulhen, battle of, 4 

Lincoln , C. H. , Calendar of MSS. 
of Sir William yohnson in 
American Antiquarian Society 
library^ cited, 1 21 n., 122 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Loftus, Maj. Arthur, attempts to 
reach Illinois, 32; attacked by 
Indians, 32-33; letters from, 
to Gage, 32 n., 33 n., 34 n.; 
defeat of, 33, 34, 35, 37 

London, 49 n., 52 n., 54 n., 83, 
91, 103, 106 n,, 116, 124, 128, 
132, 149 n., 160 n. 

Lord, Capt, Hugh, 162 n.; letters 
from, to Stuart, 151 n.; to 
Gage, 157 n., 160 n., 161 n.; 
to Haldimand, 161 n.; com- 
mandant in Illinois, 156; policy 
of conciliation adopted by, 157; 
report of, concerning attitude 
of Illinois French, 159; letters 
to, from Haldimand, 159 n., 
161 n. 

Lords, House of, 22, 95 n. 

Lords of Trade, letters to, from 
Johnson, 28 n., 30 n., 38 n., 
39 n., 41 n., 42 n., 43 n., 45 
n., 51 n., 56 n., 57 n., 59 n., 
61 n., 79 n,, 85 n., 86 n., 128 
n.; from Shelburne, 103 n., 



127 n., 129 n.; representation 
of, on Indian affairs, cited, 57 
n., 81 n., 129 n., 132 n., 134 
n,, 137 n. ; letters from, to 
Johnson, 86 n. 

Louis XIV, I 

Louisburg, 3 

Louisiana, 22, 32, 93, 142; Illi- 
nois country annexed to, 6, 9; 
becomes a royal province, 7; 
economic relations of, with Illi- 
nois country, 1 1 ; effect on In- 
dians of transfer of, to Spain, 
41; Illinois and Wabash settle- 
ments in jurisdiction of, 47; in- 
habitants of Illinois migrate to, 
47) 53 J traders from, 61, 87, 
89; plans for conquest of, loo- 
loi, 119, 141-144 

Louviere, M., 69 

Lyman, Gen. Phineas, 124, 125 
n., 128 

Macdonald, James, letter from, to 

Johnson, 43 n. 
Mackinac, occupation of, 27 
Macleane, L. , letters to, from 

Baynton, "Wharton and Mor- 
gan, 83 n., 95 n. 
McMillan, James, 68 
Magazine of American History y 

VIII, cited, 36 n. See also 

Bibliography 
Magellan, strait of, 143 
Maissonville, 40 n., 41 n., 43 
Manchac, 83, 98 n, 
Mansfield, Lord, 25 
Margry, P., Decouvertes^ cited, 

6n. 
Maria Theresa, 2 
Marsh, Capt., letters from, to 

Haldimand, 95 n., 143 n. 
Maryland, 98 n., 105, 109 n. 
Mascoutin Indians. See Indians, 

Mascoutin 
Mason, Edward G., Chapters from 

Illinois History, cited, 58 n., 

147 n., 149 n., 159 n. See also 

Bibliography 
Maturin, G. , letter from, to 



INDEX 



217 



Baynton, Wharton and Mor- 
gan, 74 n. 

Maurepas, Lake, 99 

Memorial of the inhabitants of 
Illinois to Gage, 48, 53 n. 

Mercer, Col. George, 128 

Meurin, Father, 75. 76 n.; letters 
from, to Bishop Briand, 60 n., 

75 n- 

Mexico, 126 

Mexico, gulf of, 3, no, 126 

Michigan, Lake, 3 

Michigan Pioneer and Historical 
Collections, cited, 14 n., 40 n., 
41 n., 79 n., 92 n., 140 n., 
161 n. See also Bibliography 

Michilimakinac, 153 n. 

Mines, regulations proposed for, 
120 

Ministry, the. S-e British ministry 

Misere. See St. Genevieve 

Mississippi Land Company, no, 
128, 130 n.; organization and 
history of, 105-109; letters 
from, to Cumming, 106 n. 

Mississippi River, 6, 20 n., 22, 
23, 27, 29, 31, 38, 40, 42, 44, 
45. 47, 54, 77, 83, 84, 86, 98, 
loi, 104, 107, 109 n., no, III, 
118, 120 n., 126, 139, 141, 
143 n., 144, 146, 152, 160 n.; 
Illinois villages situated on, 3; 
navigation of, declared open, 
5, 32; attitude of Indians in 
region of, 34, 61 ; attempts to 
regulate trade on, 82, 87-88, 

90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 
142; plans to establish a colony 
on, 106, 117, 124; threatens 
Fort Chart res, 156 

Missouri Indians. See Indians, 
Missouri 

Missouri River, 87 

Mobile, 20 n., 33, 37, 51, 54 n., 
55, 144; command of Gulf of 
Mexico given to French by, 3; 
occupied by English troops, 32 

Monette, J. W., History of the 
Mississippi Valley, I, cited, 50 
n. See also Bibliography 



Montreal, 4 

Morgan, George, 69, 82, 87 n., 
91 n., 116 n.; goes to Illinois, 
59 n.; letters from, to his wife, 
59 n.; to Alexander William- 
son, 60 n.; to Baynton and 
Wharton, 60 n., 62 n., 64 n., 
65 n., 73 n., 87 n., 88 n., 89 
n., 90 n., 95 n., 97 n., 98 n., 
99 n.; to John Baynton, 73 n.; 
statement of, concerning trade 
in Illinois, 60 n.; letter book 
of, cited, 60 n., 61 n., 62 n., 
64 n., 73 n., 83 n., 87 n., 88 
n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 n., 94 n., 
98 n., 99 n.; part taken by, 
towards establishment of a civil 
government in Illinois, 61 n.; 
sketch of life of, 68; heads 
party faction, 71; involved in 
court of inquiry, 72; sugges- 
tions of, concerning regulation 
of trade, 95, 98 n.; leaves Illi- 
nois, 146 n. See also Baynton, 
Wharton and Morgan; Bibliog- 
raphy 

Morris, Capt. Thomas, attempts 
to reach Illinois, 36; journal of, 
36 n.; escapes from Indians, 37 

Moses, John, 70 n.; "Court of 
Enquiry at Ft. Chartres", cited, 
58 n., 64 n., 66 n., 70 n.; Illi- 
nois, Historical and Statistical, 
cited, 58 n., 66 n., 70 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Munro, W. B., The Seigniorial 
System in Canada, cited, 9 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Murray, , letters to, from 

Croghan, 42 n., 43 n. 

Murray, William, 160 

Mutiny and desertion, act for pun- 
ishing, 19 n. 

Myers Collection (New York Pub- 
lic Library), 41 n. 

Narrative of the Tratisactions, 
Imp7'isonmetit and Sufferings 
of John Con?iolly, an Amer- 
ican loyalist, cited, 163 n. 



2l8 



INDEX 



New England, no 

New Jersey, in, 115 

New Orleans, 2, 3, 12, 31, 33, 

36, 38, 40, 54, 87n.,9in., 99, 
118; ceded to Spain, 5; expe- 
dition organized at, to take 
possession of Illinois, 32; Pon- 
tiac seeks aid from, 37, 41; 
provisions sent to Illinois from, 
55; commercial connection of, 
with Illinois, 82, 86 n., 90, 91, 
92, 93, 94-95 96 n., 97; plans 
for attack upon, loo-ioi, 141- 
144 

New York, city of, 17, 52 n., 54, 

86 n., loi, 143, 146, 147 n., 
149 n., 150 n., 152, 159 n.; 
colony of, 105, ill 

New York Colonial Documents. 
See Docurnenis relating to the 
Colonial History of the State 
of New York 

Niagara, 3, 27, 29 

North, Lord, 22, 24 

North America. See America 

Notary. See French officials 

Notes, issuance of, 54 n. 

Nouvelle Chartres, 7, 10, 1 1 

Nova Scotia, 135 

Observer, ^2i'si\vc\^iox\ (Pa.), cited, 
68 n. See also Bibliography 

Ogg, F. A., Openins^ of the Mis- 
sissippi, cited, 32 n., 38 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Ohio Arch, and Hist. Quarterly, 
cited, 105 n., 140 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Ohio Company, 103, in n., 128 

Ohio Company Papers, cited, I I9n. 

Ohio River, 20 n., 22, 26, 31, 32, 

37, 56. 59 n., 62, 77, 80, 84, 

87 n., 91, 93, loi, 102 n., 103, 
104, 106, I09n., Tii, 112, 114, 
130 "m 137, 139, 141, 160 n.; 
proposal to guard, by mainte- 
nance of Illinois posts, 23 n.; 
preparations made to send 
troops down, 35, 38; journey 
of Capt. Sterling down, 44; In- 



dian depredations along, 63; 
attempts to regulate trade on, 
82, 87, 90, 98; plans to plant 
colony on, no, 129, 144 

O'Reilly, Gov., 89, 143 n. 

Osage Indians. See Indians, 
Osage 

Ottawa Indians. See Indians, 
Ottawa 

Ouiatanon, 6 n., 27, 42, 43, 45 n. 

Pacific Ocean, 5 

Paris, 127 n.; treaty of, I, 13, 
27, 48 n., 75, loi, 155; terms 
of, effecting Illinois country, 5, 
17, 46-47,48; Mississippi River 
declared open by, 31; defines 
legal position of Roman Cath- 
olic church in West, 47; influ- 
ence of, on colonizing spirit, 104 

Parish priest, duties of, 9-10 

Parishes of Illinois, n 

Parkman Collection (Mass. Hist. 
Soc), cited, 39 n., 40 n., 51 
n., 57 n., 58 n. See also Bib- 
liography 

Parkman, Francis, La Salle and 
the Discovery of the Great 
West, cited, 5 n.; Montcalm 
and Wolfe, cited, 6 n.; Con- 
spiracy of PontiaCy cited, 27 n., 
28 n., 29 n., 31 n., 32 n., 33 
n., 36 n., 38 n., 39 n., 40 n., 
42 n., 45 n., 85 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Parliament, 25 n., 26, 57, 66, 95 
n., 102, 133 

Parliamentary History, cited, 22 
n., 78 n., 95 n. See also Bib- 
liography 

Parrish, Randall, Historic Illi- 
nois, cited, 58 n., 147 n., 149 
n., 159 n.; statements of, rela- 
tive to struggle for civil govern- 
ment in Illinois, 147 n., 149 n., 
159 n. See also Bibliography 

Party factions, 71, 72 

Penn, Gov., letter to, from John- 
son, 82 n. 

Pennsylvania, 39, 91, 98 n., 105, 



INDEX 



219 



115, 116, 118; settlers from, 
in Ohio valley, 3; residents of, 
interested in colonial plan of 
1766, in; Indian troubles on 
frontier of, 157 n. 

Pennsylvania Archives, cited, 
108 n. 

Pennsylvania Packet and Gen- 
eral Advertiser, cited, 73 '^• 
See also Bibliography 

Pennsylvania State Library, Divi- 
sion of Public Records, cited, 
65 n., 72 n., 73 n., 74 n., 83 
n., 97 n. See also Bibliography 

Pensacola, 32, 143 

Peoria, 5 

Perkins, James B., France under 
Louis XV, cited, 2 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Peyton, J. L., History of Augusta 
Co., Fa., cited, 140 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Philadelphia, 19 n., 39, 64 n., 83, 
104, 116, 11911., 120 n., 152, 
161 n. 

Phyn, Lieut. George, 92, 141 ; let- 
ters from, to Johnson, 20 n., 
87 n., 91 n., 93 n., 98 n., 
loi n., 141 n. 

Pittman, Capt. Philip, 71; The 
Present State of the European 
Settlements on the Mississippi, 
cited, 3 n., 7 n., 9 n., 11 n., 
53 n., 71 n., 99 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Plain Facts, cited, 109 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Political Essays concerning the 
Present State of the British 
Empire, cited, 160 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Pontchartrain, Lake, 99 

Pontiac, 34, 41, 84; motive of, 
in leading revolt, 29; assistance 
given to, by French intriguers, 
30; effect of Loftus' defeat on, 
35-36; influences Missouri and 
Osage Indians, 38; saves Lieut. 
Fraser's life, 40; makes peace 
with English, 43; murder of, 74 

Poole, William, "The West", 



cited, 27 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Pottawottomi Indians, See In- 
dians, Pottawottomi 

Pownall, John, letter to, from 
Gage, 147 n.; letter from, to 
Gage, 147 n. 

Pownall, Thomas, 140 n.; Admin- 
istration of the Colonies, cited, 
6 n., 28 n., 29 n,, 83 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Prairie du Rocher, 7, 9, 11, 49 

Pratz, Le Page du, Histoire de la 
Louisiane, cited, 7 n., 8 n., 15 
n. See also Bibliography 

Privy Council Office, Unbound 
Papers, cited, 106 n. See also 
Bil)liography 

Proclamation of 1763, 56, 108, 
III, 135, 161; issuance of, 14; 
purpose of authors of, 16; com- 
ment in Annual Register on, 
21; no provision for West in, 
23, 25; trade regulations of, 
77, 79; influence of, on Board 
of Trade, 139-141; violated by 
land companies, 144, 160 

Prussia, 2 

Public Record Office, series Amer- 
ica and West Indies, cited, 19 
n., 20 n., 21 n., 23 n., 44 n., 
45 n., 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 
n., 52 n., 53 n., 54 n., 55 n., 
56 n., 58 n., 61 n., 62 n., 63 
n., 64 n., 67 n., 73 n., 74 n., 
75 n., 76 n., 78 n., %i n,, 87 
n., 88 n., 89 n,, 90 n., 91 n., 
92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 96 n., 97 
n., 98 n., 99 n., loo n., loi 
n., no n., 121 n., 125 n., 126 
n., 127 n., 134 n., 135 n., 138 
n., 139 n., I42n., 143 n., 144 
n., 146 n., 147 n., 148 n., 149 
n., 151 n., I52n., 153 n., 154 
n., 156 n., 157"-. ^58 "•' 159 
n., 161 n.; Home Office Papers, 
cited, 38 n., 51 n.; Declared 
Accounts, cited, 95 n.; Colonial 
Office Papers, cited, I28n, See 
also Bibliography ; Chatham 
Papers. 



220 



INDEX 



Publications of Club for Colonial 
Reprints^ cited, 152 n. 

Quebec, 4, 5, 6 n., 11, 14, 23, 

75. 93 
Quebec Act, 23 n., 24, 25 n.; 
provisions of, relating to West, 
22, 26; passage of, 162 

" Reasons for the Establishment 
of a Colony in Illinois, 1766", 
cited, 1 01 n., 117 n. See also 
Documentary Appendix 

Recollect fathers, 11 

Reed, Lieut. -Col. John, 54 n., 57 
n., 59, 64; commands Fort de 
Chartres, 55, 60; recalled, 61 

Regnault, family of, II 

Revenue Act of 1767, 133 

Reynolds, John, The Pioneer His- 
tory of Illinois, cited, 51 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Robertson, Lieut. -Col., letters 
from, to Gage, 32 n., 33 n. 

Rocheblave, M, de, 49 n.; rep- 
resents English government in 
Illinois, 163 

Pockingka?7i Memoirs, cited, 134 
n. See also Biljliography 

Rockingham ministry, displace- 
ment of, 123 

Rogers, Maj. Robert, proposes 
civil government for Michili- 
makinac, 153 n.; journal of, 
cited, 153 n. 

Roman Catholic church, rights of, 
defined in treaty of Pans, 46- 
47; Wilkins' relations with 
members of, 74; sketch of, 
during British period, 75-76 

Ross, Lieut. John, letleis from, to 
Farmer, 37 n., 38 n.; attempt 
of, to conciliate Indians in Illi- 
nois, 37-38; departure of, from 
Illinois, 40 

Rossbach, battle of, 4 

Royal Historical Manuscripts 
Coviniission, Fifth Report, 
cited, 59 n., 124 n., 127 n., 
129 n. See also Bibliography 



Royal Historical Manuscripts 
Commission, Fourteenth Re- 
port, cited, 56 n., 62 n., 64 n., 
73 n., 89 n., 98 n., I47n., 156 
n. See also Bibliography 

Royal warehouse, keeper of. See 
French officials 

Rumsey, Lieut. James, 68, 69 n., 
119 n.; sent to Fort de Char- 
tres, 44-45; made royal com- 
missary under British, 50; ap- 
pointed to forward petition for 
civil government, 61 n.; duties 
of , 65 n . ; heads party faction , 7 1 

Sabine, L., loyalists of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, cited, 124 n. 
See also Bil^liography 

St. Ange, 36, 38, 50 n.; French 
commandant at Vincennes, 35: 
letters from, to d'Abbadie, 36 
n., 55 n. ; refuses to aid Pontiac, 
37, 41; surrenders Fort de 
Chartres, 45; retires to St. 
Louis, 49; commandant at St. 
Louis, 53 n. 

St. Anne, parish of, ii 

St. Genevieve, 87 n. ; French from 
Illinois found homes at, 33 

St. Joseph, 3, II, 27 

St. Lawrence River, 3, 92 

St. Louis, 45, 49; French from 
Illinois found homes at, 53; St. 
Ange acts as commandant of, 
53 n.; foundation of, 87; furs 
transferred from Illinois to, 90 

St. PhiUppe, 7, 10, II, 49 

St. Vincent. See Vincennes 

Sandusky, occupation of, 27 

Sato, S., History of the land 
Question in the United States, 
109 n. See also Bibliography 

Saucier, family of, 9 

Scioto River, 41, 73 n. 

Scrivener of the marine. See 
French officials 

Seminary of Foreign Missions, 5 
n,, II 

Seneca Indians. See Indians, 
Seneca 



INDEX 



221 



Seven Years' War, i, 4, 7 

Shawnee Indians. See Indians, 
Shawnee 

Shea, John G., Life of Archbishop 
Carroll, cited, 1 1 n., 75 n., 76 
n. See also BibUography 

Shelburne, Lord, 91, 136, 140 n.; 
opinions of, concerning dispo- 
sition of the West, 15-16, 78 
n., 95 n.; letters to, from Gage, 
23 n., 55 n., 62 n., 64 n., 86 
n., 87 n., 89 n., 90 n., 91 n., 
92 n., 95 n., 97 n., 98 n., 127 
n.; from Johnson, 55 n., 58 n., 
59 n., 61 n., 85 n.; letters 
from, to Gage, no n., 125 n., 
126 n., 131 n.; to Lords of 
Trade, 127 n., 129 n., 137 n.; 
general attitude of, towards 
western colonies, no, 123 n., 
124, 125, 126-127, 129-131, 
132, 137; becomes secretary of 
state for southern department, 
123; retires from ministry, 133- 

134 

Shuckburgh, Richard, letter from, 
to Johnson, 41 n. 

Sinnott, sent to Illinois, 40 n. 

Sioussat, St. George L., English- 
Statutes in Maryland, cited, 
25 n. See also Bibliography 

Six Nations, 29, 59 

Smith, Adam, 136 

Smith, WilHam, Historical Ac- 
count of the Expedition against 
the Ohio Indians, cited, 119 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Sowers, Capt., letter from, to 
Gage, 155 n. 

Spain, t8 n., 41, 88, 98 n., 71, 
126; brought to terms by Eng- 
land, 4; Louisiana ceded to, 
5; furs sent to, 90; proposed 
conquest of Louisiana from, 
loo-ioi, 141-144; disputes 
with England over Falkland 
Islands, 143 

Spanish traders. See Traders 

Sparks Manuscripts ( Harvard Col- 
lege Library), cited, 21 n., 39 



n., 86 n., i3on., 148 n., 154 n., 
156 n. See also Bibliography 
Stamp Act, 57, 81, 102, 113, 133 
Sterling, Capt. Thomas, 5c n., 52 
^•> 53' 56; takes command of 
Fort de Chartres, 44-45; letters 
from, to Gage, 44 n., 45 n., 48 
n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 n., 52 n., 
S3 "•' 56 '^•j 75 ii-; announces 
Gage's proclamation to inhabi- 
tants of Illinois, 46-48; petition 
to, from inhabitants of Illinois, 
48; efforts of, to bring about 
order in Illinois, 49-50, 64; 
embarrassed by lack of supplies, 
51-52; returns to New York, 

54 
Stone, William L., Life of Sir 

William Johnson, II, cited, 45 

n. See also Bibliography 
Stuart, Charles, 40 n. 
Sulpitian fathers, n, 75 
Superintendent of Indian affairs. 

See Indian affairs 
Superior Council at New Orleans, 

50 
Switzerland, no 
Syndic. See French officials 

Taylor, Brig., letters to, from 
Gage, 98 n., 99 n., 102 n., 143 
n.; letter from, to Gage, 99 n. 

Tennessee, state of, 106 

Tennessee River, 144 n. 

Terrage, Marc de Villiers du. Les 
derniires Annees de la Louisi- 
ane frangaise, cited, 32 n., 33 
n., 38 n., 41 n. See also Bib- 
liography 

Thornton, Presly, 105 

Thurlow, Att.-Gen., 25 n. 

Thwaites, R. G., Early Western 
Travels, I, cited, 36 n., 37 n., 
38 n., 40 n., 42 n., 43 n., 65 
n., 66 n., 68 n.; " Early Lead- 
mining in Illinois and Mich- 
igan", cited, 120 n. See also 
Bibliography 

Tonica Indians. See Indians^ 
Tonica 



222 



INDEX 



Townshend, Charles, 133 

Township system, recommended 
for proposed Illinois colony, 
119 

Trade, 8, 11, 87, 130, 132, 
134, 135, 142, 153 n.; French 
monopoly of, threatened, 3; 
comparison of French and Eng- 
lish methods of managing, 28, 
78, 84-86; attempts to regu- 
late, 55, 77, 79, 80 81, 89,93, 
98-100, 131; rivalry between 
France and England for pre- 
dominance in, 77, 84; condi- 
tions of, in Illinois country, 
1765-1775, 77-102; rush of 
English to participate in western, 
82; French attempt to monopo- 
lize, 88; benefit of, to Great 
Britain, 94-96; contraband, 
86 n., 97 n., 126 n.; man- 
agement of, transferred to col- 
onies, 102, 138; effect on, 
through establishment of col- 
ony in Illinois, 118, 125 

Traders, British, 21 n.; regula- 
tions for, 16, 80-81, 93, 96- 
97; behavior of, 19; character 
of, 28; methods employed by, 
32, 61, 85-86; rush to Illinois 
country, 82; rivalry among, 
83-84; fear to enter Indian 
country, 87-88; route followed 
by, 90-95; Spanish, 23, 61, 
64 n.; French, necessity of re- 
pelling invasion of, 23; methods 
employed by, 28, 30, 35, 40, 
41, 61, 64 n., 85; take oath 
of allegiance to English crown, 
41; route followed by, 82, 87; 
rivalry of, with British, 83-84; 
purchase goods from British, 86 
Transactions of the Illinois State 
Historical Society for 1 907, 
cited, 45 n. 

Trottier, Francois, 9 

Ulloa, Gov., 93 
United States, 95 n. 



Van d alia Company, 144 

Vandalia grant, 137, 140 

Van Schaack, Henry C, "Cap- 
tain Thomas Morris in the Illi- 
nois Country", cited, 36 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Villiers, Neyon de", gives up com- 
mand of Fort de Chartres, 35- 
36 

Vincennes (Post Vincennes, Post 
Vincent, St. Vincent), 3, 6 n., 

35, 40 n., 42, 87 n., 98 n. 
Viollet, P., Hisioire du droit fran- 

fais, 10 n. See also Bibliog- 
raphy 

Virginia, 98 n., 105, 118, 157 n.; 
settlers from, in Ohio Valley, 3; 
party from, attacked by In- 
dians, 63 n.; establishes Au- 
gusta County, 103; residents 
of, in Mississippi Land Com- 
pany, 105, 109 n. 

Visitation, chapel of, 11 

Viviat, Louis, 9, 69, 147 n., 160 

Volney, C. F,, View of the United 
States i cited, 8 n. See also Bib- 
liography 

Wabash Land Company, 160, 

161 n. 
Wabash River, 3, 6 n., 22, 35, 

36, 42, 44, 60, 61, 63 n., 87, 
93, 98 n., 105, 106, no 

Wabash settlements, 47 

Wallace, Lieut, Hugh, letters to, 
from Johnson, 44 n. 

Wallace, J., Illinois and louisi- 
ana tinder French Rule, cited, 
40 n., 58 n., 66 n., 70 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Walpole, Thomas, 140 n. 

Walpole Company, 140, 144. See 
also Vandalia Company 

Walton, F. P., The Scope and In- 
terpretation of the Civil Code 
of lower Canada, cited, 25 n. 
See also Bibliography 

Washington, George, 105, 144 
n.; letter from, to Crawford, 
108 n. 



INDEX 



223 



Washington, George, Writings 
^(ed. Ford), cited, 108 n., 127 
n., 144 n. 
Washington, John, 105 
Washington, Samuel, 105 
West, the, 58, 77, 79, 84, 86, 87, 
94, 108 n.,'ii3, 119 11., 121 
n., 123, 127 n., 131, 135. 141, 
144 n., 160 n., 161: treatment 
accorded, 13, 14; Shelbiirne's 
plan for, 15; Gage in touch 
with, 18; inability of govern- 
ment to control, 20; no pro- 
vision for, in proclamation of 
1763, 23; extension of English 
law to, discussed, 24-25; occu- 
pation of posts in, 27; Pon- 
tiac determines to rehabilitate 
French power in, 29; value of, 
to Great Britain, 93 ff.; Hills- 
borough's statement regarding, 
100; propositions for establish- 
ment of colonies in, 129 n.; 
opposition to establishment of 
colonies in, 139 n,, 144 n.; 
Haldimand left in charge of, 
149 n.; condition of Indian 
affairs in, 157 n. 
West, Company of the, 6 
West Florida. See Florida 
Wharton, Joseph, Jr., 116 n. 
Wharton, Joseph, Sr., 116 n. 
Wharton, Samuel, 69 n., 116 n. 
Wharton. Thomas, letter from, to 

B. Franklin. 130 n. 
Wilkins, Lieut. -Col. John, 68 n., 
70 n.; complaints of, against 



French in Illinois, 63 n,, 70; 
takes command at Fort de 
Chartres, 64; letters from, to 
Gage, 64 n., 96 n., 98 n., 155 
n., 156 n.; to Barrington, 67 
n., 88 n., 97 n., 98 n.; efforts 
of, to bring about order in Illi- 
nois, 65, 69; discussion as to 
authority of, in establishing 
court, 66-67; proclamation of, 
concerning justices, 67 n., 70 
n.; heads party faction in Illi- 
nois, 71; abolishes court of 
judicature, 71-72, 145; con- 
fronted with Indian problem, 
73, 74; relations of, with Roman 
Catholics, 74; effort of, to regu- 
late trade, 96 n.; letter to, 
from Gage, 155 n.; dismissed 
from Illinois post, 155-156; 
goes to England, 157-158 

Williams, David, 69 

Willing, Thomas, letter from, to 
Haldimand, 156 n. 

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and 
Critical History of America, 
cited, 6 n., 7 n., 11 n., 27 n., 
31 n., 32 n., 38 n., 42 n.; Mis- 
sissippi Basin, cited, 27 n., 29 
n., 31 n., 32 n., 33 n., 35 n., 
38 n . , 42 n . ; Westward Move- 
ment, cited, 66 n., 70 n., 1 11 
n., 127 n., 134 n., 136 n. See 
also Bibliography 

Wisconsin River, 88 

York, Chancellor, 160 



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